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Introduction, 1 

Leslie's Retreat, 2 

The Hathornes, 2 

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c, on file in the of- 
fice of the Clerk of the Courts, Salem. gopied by 

Ira J. Patch 3 

Materials for a History of the Ingersoll family in Salem, 12 

A Revolutionary Letter, 13 

Relics of a u Peculiar Institution " in Salem, 14 

ISTuxiiber 1. 

1 Ancient Pulpit Notices, 14 

2 Curious Indenture between a Master and Servant in 

2 1713, 14 

Narrative of the Piracy of the Ship Friendship, of Sa- 
lem, by C. M. Endicott, 15 

Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and 
Deaths of the City of Salem. Copied by Ira J. 
Patch 33 

3NFu.mber 2. 

Extracts from Records kept by Rev. John Fiske, during 
his ministry at Salem, i$'C 

Odd Notes,— Norman Kings, 1066—1154 

cines in " Old Times," 

s in the streets of Salem, in May, 1859 

Aoscracts from Wills, Inventories, &c, on file In the of- 
fice of the Clerk of the Courts Salem, 

Minutes for a Genealogy of the Jacobs Familj, by C. 
M. Endicott, 

Brick Buildings in Salem, in 1806, 

Biographical Sketches of Rev. Joseph Green, Rev. Peter 
Clark, and Rev. B. Wadsworth, ministers in Salem 
Tillage, (now Danvers,) by S. P. Fowler 



General Court in Salem, in 1774 ' ... 05 

Samuel Browne's Letter to Capt. John Touzell, voyage 

to the West Indies, December 19, 1727, 08 

Notice to Proprietors of Beverly Bridge, in 1788,. ... 63 
Richard Weight and John Bushnell's depositions be- 
fore Gov. Endicott, 20, 4, 1655. • C7 

Some Remarks on the Commerce of Salem, from 1626 
to 1740, with a Sketch of Philip English, a mer- 
chant in Salem, from about 1670 to about 1733-4, 
by G. F. Chever 07 

ISTumbei? 3. 

Some Remarks upon the Commerce of Salem, from 1626 
to 1740, bv George F. Chever. Continued., 77 

Abstract ii. ,w, v» ,.■>,. mvcuii.ri ». Kc, on file in the Of- 
fice of Clerk of Courts, Salem, Mass 91 

Curious Bill of L.un.i. of a ' Whightt Hors," 9? 

The Old Planters of Salem, who were settled here before 
the arrival of Governor xmdicoit, in 1628, by Geo. 

Letter of Hon. B. Goodhue, M. C, to Ellas Haskett 

Derby, City of New York in 1787 Ill 

Privateer Junius Brutus Ill 

Exp ""ion to Rhode Island in 1778 112 

Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and 

Deaths of the City of S dem. Continued 113 

A Genealogical Ramble 115 

D. Phippen. 

97 The Very j; amily 113 

jNTuiTiber 4=. 

Sonde remarks on the Commerce of Salem, from 1026 to 
1740 with a Sketch of Philip English, a Merchant 
in Salem, from about 1670 to about 1733-1, (contin- 
ue 1 1, by G sorge F. Chever, 117 

Abstracts r. ira Will-, [nvenl tries, &c, on file in th* Of- 
fice of Clerk or Courts, Salem, 'continued) 143 

The '-(ill Planters" of Salem, who were settled before 
t!r- arriv .1 of Gov. Endicott i:i 1628, c intinued) by 
Geo. D. Phippen 145 

John Lyford 

John W todbury 

William Woodbury 
John Balch 



n '-y 154 

The Endicott House in Salem 155 

Materials for a Genealogy of the Ingersoll Family, by 

b. f. b 

Notes on Americon Currency, No. 1, by M. A. Stick- 

Number 5. 

A Sketch of Philip English— a merchant in Salem from 
ab n 1 170 to ab >ul 1733-4— by G sorge V. Chever,. .157 

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c, on file in the 
lie. of CI irk of Courts, Salem, Mass. Continued. 
Copied by Ira .). Patch, 181 

Nathan II jed, Sketch of, 184 

The "Old i'ia it xs" of Salem, who wove settled here before 
the arrival of Gov. EndiCOtt,in 1628 — Concluded— 
by George D. Phippen. — viz: 

Peter P.ilfray 185 

Walter Knight 186 

William Allen 187 

Thomas Gray... 188 

John Til'ey 188 

Thomas Gardner, 190 

Richard Norman 191 

John Norman 191 

Richard Norman, jr 192 

William Trask 193 

William Jeffry 195 

John Lyford 197 

Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages 

and Deaths, of the City of Salem. Continued. 

Copied by Ira J. Patch • 200 


or THE 


Vol. I. 

April, 1859. 

No. 1. 


The principal object, that the founders 
of the Essex Historical Society had in 
view, at the organization of said Society, 
(which, in 1848, was incorporated with 
the Essex County Natural History Socie- 
ty, under the name of the Essex Insti- 
tute,) was the collection and preservation 
of all authentic memorials relating to the 
civil history of the County of Essex, in 
the state of Massachusetts, and of the 
eminent men who have resided within its 
limits, from the first settlement ; and 
thus to provide ample materials for a cor- 
rect history of this part of our Common- 

In furtherance of the plans contemplat- 
ed by these early Pioneers in our local his- 
tory, it is proposed to issue, occasionally, 
as circumstances may permit, a serial pub- 
lication, to be called THE HISTORICAL 

This publication will contain abstracts 
of Wills, Deeds, and other documents 
which are deposited in the offices of the 
County of Essex; Records of Births, 
Marriages, Deaths, Baptisms, &c, 

gleanings from Town and Church Rec- 
ords, in said County ; Inscriptions and 
Epitaphs from the old Burial Grounds ; 
also, such other materials of a kindred 
nature as may be obtained from other 

Selections from the reports and com- 
munications of a historical character, 
which have been read at the meetings of 
the Essex Institute, will appear in its 
pages, or such abstracts of the same as 
may be deemed advisable. 

Genealogical sketches of the families 
of the early settlers, will occasionally be 
inserted ; several have already been pre- 
pared with much care and accuracy. Al- 
so, brief biographical notices of those in- 
dividuals who have been identified with 
the prominent interests, or have held re- 
sponsible positions in the public affairs 
of this section of the state. 

Finally, such facts and statements as 
will tend in any manner to elucidate the 
history of this county, in all the various 
relations to society, will be duly chroni- 

It will be our earnest endeavor to 
make this publication the medium of 

communication with the public, of all 
materials of the above-named character, 
which may come into our possession, pro- 
vided that sufficient patronage be ex- 
tended to authorize its continuance. — 
When we consider that this County is one 
of the earliest, settled by Europeans, in New 
England ; that the various records extend 
back nearly to its first settlement ; and 
that the descendants of these Pioneers, or 
their immediate followers, are now scat- 
tered over every section of this Union, it 
is reasonable to infer, that, if our work is 
faithfully executed, a liberal response will 
be given. We cordially invite the co- 
operation of all friends of historic re- 
search, in this undertaking. 


Messrs. Editors: I have in my possession a humor- 
ous letterj written shortly after "Leslie's Retreat," 
at the North Bridge in Salem, in 1775. I send you 
an exact copy of thi3 letter for publication, if you 
think it of sufficient importance to print. It may be 
of interest to some persons, as showing that tho ex- 
citement on the occasion alluded to, extended as far 
as the towns on tho Merrimack River. B. 

Amepbury, March 1, 1775. 

Honr'd Sir — An account of the Araesbury 
Expedition May not be disagreeable to you as 
you arc a Son of Liberty. 

having ben informed that a few Days ago a 
Small Party of Troops took a Sail & a Walk 
for an airing &c. It was suppos'd their de- 
signs was to seize some Military Stores at Sa- 
lem. The alarm soon reach'd us & Set all the 
Country round us in motion. Happening at 
that (time) to bo at dinner 1 saw upwards an 
hundred men from Various Parts of Merri- 
mack river, moving towards tho eceno of ac- 
tion. Cyder being exceeding Scarce & the 
Last Season but an indifferent one for That, 
they Look'd palo & meagre ft soemed to Trem- 
ble under tho burden of their guns & bread & 

Cheese, which some ill Natured People attrib- 
fited to their Fear, but very unjustly : indeed 
had they really ben Cowards they Would not 
have had much reason to be afraid, because 
they knew the Soluiers must have done their 
Bussiness & returned to Boston, before they 
could reach Salem, and this they soon Learnt 
to be the Case on their first Halt, which was 
at a Tavern, when they meditated a return, 
which was Performed in martial order. But 
bloody Minded men as they were, they resolved 
not to go home without doing some execution, 
and therefore they valiently attacked and de- 
molished several Barrels, whose Precious blood 
they drew and intirely exhausted. Flushed 
with Victory they made a much better appear- 
ance than when I first saw Them. However 
such another Victory would have brought 
them all to the ground, if not have ruined 
them, as it was they were scarce able to Crawl 
home ; and most of them haveing disgorged the 
blood of the 8lain which they had so plenti- 
fully drank, returned as pale and feeble as 
they set out, and Look'd as Lank as tho' they 
had ben drawn thro 1 the river instead of Pass- 
ing over it. So much for this military Expe- 
dition- Your Effectionate Son 

Addressed— To 



The Hathornes. Messrs. Editors: I was present 
this morning at the Auction Sale at " Hollingworth 
Hill"; and in my rambles over tho old place, I found 
in a book printed in 1G10 a record of the births of 
William Hathorne's children, written by himself, on 
a blank leaf. I thought the item was wortb saving, 
and have sent it to you for publication. 


Sarah, born, 11th 1 mo. 1634—5. 

Eleazer, " 1st 6 " 1C37. 

Nathaniel " 11th 6 " 1639. 

John, " 4th 6 " 1641. 

Anna, " 12th 10 " 1643. 

William, " 1st 2 " 1645. 

Elizabeth, " 22d 5 " 1649. 
Salem, March 12, 1859, JIP 




Bethiah Cartwright, 4th mo. 1G40. 

Will of Bethiah Cartwright of Salem, dated 
2d May, 1G40, mentions her sister, Elizabeth 
Capon, in Walderswich, in Sussex ; Mary 
Norton, the wife of George Norton in Salem ; 
John Jackson, son of John Jackson ; Marga- 
ret, wife of John Jackson, of Salem ; Eliza- 
beth Pellen ; Elizabeth Wickson. 

Witnesses — Elizabeth Wickson, Thomas 
Warren . 

(The above will was the first to be brought 
into Court.) 

Samuel Smith, 10th mo., 1642. 

Will of Samuel Smith, of Enon, dated 5th Oc- 
tober, 1642, mentions wife Sarah bequeaths her 
"My farme in Enon, with all the housen vpon 
it, as alesoe all the frutes vpon it, as corne, 
hemp, and the like, for har owne proper vse 
for the tearme of har lif, vpon consideration 
that she shall discharg me of that promise vp- 
on maridge, which is vnto my Sunn, William 
Browne, fiftie pounds ; alsoe that she shall 
giue vnto his two children, William and John 
Browne, 20 lb. betweene ym all, which shall 
be paid by my exequeters hereafter named." 
son Thomas, daughter Mary, his wife Sarah 
and son William Brown, ex'ors ; and his son, 
Thomas Smith, supervisor of his will, proved 
27th, 10th mo, 1642. r 

Inventory of above estate taken 18 th, 9 
mo., 1642, amounting to £395 09s 02d ; re- 
turned and sworn to 28th, 10 mo., 1642. 

Ann Scarlet, 4th mo., 1643. 
Will of Ann Scarlet, of— dated 2d 1st mo., 
1639, mentions brother Samuel, in old Eng- 
land, her children Mary, Margaret and Joseph, 
her sister Dennis, her brother, James Lind, 
her brother Browning and his wife, her broth- 
er Joseph Grafton, admr. 

John Sanders, 10th mo., 1643. 
Will of John Sanders, of Salem, dated 28 
October, 1642, mentions son John Sanders, un- 
der age, his father Joseph Grafton. Good- 
man Hardie and Joseph Grafton, his adin'rs. 
His wife living. 

Abr'm Belknap, 12 mo., 1643. 
Inventory of estate of Abraham Belknap of 
Lynn, who deceased the beginning of the 7th 
mo., 1643, taken 16th, 12 mo 1643 amounting 
to £53 10s 3d. Signed by Mary Belknapp. 

Hugh Churchman, 5lhmo., 1644. 

Will of Hugh Churchman of Lynn dated 
4th, 4th mo. 1640, mentions William Winter 
and wife, and their son Josiah and daughter 
Hanna, both under age, widow Ambrose. Ed- 
ward Burt, Mr. Whiten and Mr. Hobert. 
Wm. Winter, sole ex'or. Probated 9th 5 mo. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £24 
9s lid, returned by Hugh Burtt, Robert Dri- 

John Mattox, 5th mo., 1644. 
Inventory of estate of John Mattox, who 
deceased 22d April, 1643, amounting to £14 
03s 09d, returned by Goodm Edwards and 
Prince, 6th day 5th mo., 1644. 

Thomas Payne, 5th mo., 1644. 
Will of Thomas Payne, dated 10th 2d mo. , 
1638, mentions his wife, son Thomas, a wea- 
ver, dan, Mary, two sons, is part owner of 
Ship Mary Ann, of Salem, his kinsman, Hen- 
ry Bloomfield, son Thomas, Ex'or, and Mr. 
John Fiske, of Salem, Supervisor. Probated 
10th 5th mo., 1644. 

Robert Lewis 5th mo., 1644. 
Inventory of Robert Lewis, deceased 4th of 
May, 1643, amounting to £26 12s 8d ; re- 
turned by Goodm Edwards and Prince, 6th 

Joan Cummins, 5th mo., 1G44. 
Will of Joan Cummins, of Salem, dated 
, mentions son John, Goodman Cornish, 

Mr. Noris, grandchildren Mary Bourne and 
Johannah "Borne ; to the Church twenty shil- 
lings, Goody Cotta, Goody Wathin, Goody 
ffield, Goody Broagham, Ann Shiply, Good- 
man Boyce, Goody Corning, John Browne's 
wife, Deborah Wathin, Dec Gott, and Good- 
man Ilornc, esors. Probate 10th 5th mo., 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£33 0s Od, returned by Jeffrie Massey, Jarvis 
Garford, George Eardry, 17th 3d mo., 1644. 

Robert Pease, 0th mo., 1644. 
Inventory of estate of Robert Pease, of Sa- 
lem, amounting to £39 12s 6d, returned by 
Jo Alderman Myhill Shaflinge, 3d 11th mo., 
1644, mentions his widow, Maria Pease, admx. 
2 sons, John and Robert. 

John Tally, Wth mo., 1644. 
Inventory of the estate of John Talby, a- 
mounting to £28 18s 5d, returned by Peter 
Palfrey and William Lord, 11th mo., 1644' 

Margery Wathen, 11th mo., 1644. 
Inventory of the estate of Margery Wathen, 
widow, amounting to £39 13s 5d, returned by 
Peter Palfrey, Win. Alfard and Nathaniel 
Porter, 28 6 mo., 1644. Deacons Charles 
Gott and John Ilornc appt by J. Endicott 
Govt to settle the estate, 3d 11th mo., 1644. 

Isabel West, 11 th mo., 1644. 
Inventory of estate of Isabel West, amount- 
ing to £51 12s Od, returned by Henry Skerry. 
Robert Cotta, and George Ropes, 2d 11th mo., 

Jane Gaines, 5th mo., 1645. 
Inventory of estate of Jane Gaines, of Lynn, 
amounting to £43 5s 7d, returned by Nicho- 
las Brown and Edmund Needham, 10th 5th 
nn. ; 1645. 

Robert Hawes 1 Wife, 1th mo., 1645. 
Will of Robert Hawes' wife, testified to by 
witnesses William Googes, Katherine Darlin 
Sarah Bartlett, who heard her on her death 
bed, on the 12th June, 1645, dictate her will, 
mentions the young child Thomas she had by 
Robt. Hawes, £20, her three sons, Robert 
Edwards and Matthew Edwards,Robert Hawes 7 
daughter, Alise, his sons, Robert and Mat- 
thew, her sister, Ellen Hibbert, in Old Eng- 
land, two maids who tended in her sickness 5 
viz : Kathrin Darlin aud Sarah Bartlett. — 
Probate 10th 7th mo., 1645. 

Margaret Pease, 10th mo., 1645. 

Will of Margaret Pease, widow, of Salem, 
dated 1st 7th mo., 1644, mentions grandchild 
John Pease, son of Robert Pease, Thomas 
Watson of Salem, to be foffeye of trust. Ann 
Isball testifies to taking great pains with her 
when sick ; also that said Pease made a be- 
quest to Edith Barber after her will was writ- 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£19 2s 8d, returned by John Alderman and 
John Bulfinch, 1, 11 mo., 1644. 

Wm. Place, 2d mo., 1646. 
Inventory of estate at Thomas Weeks's 
house, of William Place, deceased 14th 2d 
mo., 1646. Also an inventory of tools in 
hands of Richard Waters, returned 5th 6th 
mo., '46 : acct of charges of Thomas Weeks 
against estate of Wm. Place, incurred during 
his last sickness, amounting to £3, 

Wm. Googs, 4/A mo., 1646. 

Inventory of estate of William Googe, a- 
mounting to £28 lis 6d, returned by Na- 
thaniel Handforth and Francis Lightfoot. 

Ann, his widow, app'd admx., left 3 small 
children. Probate 30th 4th mo., 1646. 

John Thome, 6th mo., 1646. 
Eliz'h Harwood, Margaret Jackson, and 

Eliz'h Esticke, testify as to the will of John 
Thome, that they heard him "say these 
woards vinsit that hee did giue unto Ann 
Pallgrave all his estate, as money, goods, ap- 
arell & debts, out of which sayd aparell it 
was the will of the sayd John that John Jack- 
son, Junior, should haue his best Hatt, and 
further moure it was his will that James Thom- 
as should haue something out of the estate, if 
the sayd Ann Paulsgrave so pleaseth." Dat- 
ed 27th July, 1G46. Probate 4th 6th mo., 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£27 16s 2d, returned by Jeffrey Massey, Geo. 
Emery and John Herbert, 4th 6th mo., 1646. 

jR. Bartholomew, Qth mo., 1646. 

"Boston the 6th, 11th '45. 
Brother Henry, heare in clossed is a notte 
of whatt estatte I have shippt with me, & 
what is here owinge to mee wth whatt I owe 
in England, wch is all I owe in the world as 
I know off these things only the bills of Ex., 
I haue consigned to Mr. Edward Shrimpton, 
in London, hee is ye brassers bro at Boston, 
to him I have wrighten yt in case God should 
not bringe me to London, yt he would these 
goods, pay my debts, and returne ye remayn- 
der to you. I should haue been glad to haue 
seen you before I went, but if god should not 
returne mee againe, but take mee away by 
death, my desire is yt the returns of these 
goods come to yo'r hands, that they may be 
thus disposed of, viz : To your two children 
£40 apeace ; to my bro William's 3 chil- 
dren, £20 apeace ; to my mother, yr likinge, 
£10; to Mr. Gearringe, beinge very poore, 
£10 ; and the remaynder of my estate, bee it 
whatt it will, more or less, all that is mine I 
dessire may be equally devided betweene our 
bro Thomas, Abraham, and Sister Sara, (only 
what Jacob Barney owes to mee I give it to 
him,) but for my other debts, house, ground, 
&c, devide as before. This is my desire, and 
that I would haue done if God should please 
to take me away. I desire to cast myself only 
vppon him, and to rest myself only in the 

armes of his mercy in Christ Jesus, intreat- 
inge of him to stay my soule there in the worst 
howers, even in death itself, vnto him I leavo 
you with yors together with myself and all 
his, and rest, yor faithful and loving Brother, 

Superscription. — "To my Lovinge Brother, 
Henry Bartholomew." Probate 4th 6th mo., 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£286 9s Id, returned by Wm. Hathorne and 
Jeffrey Massey, 4th 6th mo., 1646. 

Francis Lightfoot, 10th mo., 1646. 

Will of Francis Lightfoot, of Lynn, dated 
Dec. 10, 1646, mentions brother John Light- 
foot, of London, in case he be living, or his 
children. Sister Isabell Lightfoot, living in 
"Linckhoonshire, in ffrestone, near olde Bos- 
tone," brother Idell, Samuel Cockett, Hannah 
Idell, Dorythe Whiting, Elizabeth Whiting, 
Samuel Cobit ; his wife executrix. Probate 
29th 10th mo., 1646. 

Debts due. — To James Ayer, for keeping 
sheep and swine ; to Mr. George Burrill ; 
to Goodmn Mansfield : to Allin Breed. 

Debts owning, by Samuel Bennet, Hugh 
Ally, Edward Ireson, John Witt. 

Anne Lightfoot, widow, app'd admx. by 
the Court. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£51 0s 2d, returned by Nath. Ingalls, William 
Tilton, and Edward Burthum, 29th 10th mo., 

Emma Mason, 10th mo,, 1646. 
Inventory of the estate of Widow Emma 
Mason, deceased the 26th 3d mo., 1646, a- 
mounting to £26 16s 8d, returned by George 
Corwin and Walter Price, 30th 10th mo., 
1646. Estate ordered to be divided, to the el- 
der brother a double portion, and the remain- 
der equally between the rest of the children. 

Michael Sallows, 10th mo., 1646. 
Will of Michael Sallows, of Salem, dated 
14th 9th mo., 1646, mentions Micha Sallows, 

his youngest son, his daughter Martha, son 
Thomas, Robert, John and Samuel, and Ed- 
ward Wilson, his son in law, Edward Wilson, 
and Robert Sallows, cx'rs. Probate 31st 10th 
mo., 1040. 

Edward Wilson and Robert Sallows having 
declined, Jeffrey Massy, John Jolhson and 
George Emery are appointed ex'rs in their 
stead. 31st 10th mo., 1646. 

Mary Hersoine, 10th mo., 1646. 
Inventory of estate of Mary Hersoine, wid- 
ow, of Wenham, deceased the 2d 7th mo., 
1640, amounting to £21 17s Id, returned by 
John Fairfield, Wm. Fiske, and George Nor- 
ton, 29th 10th mo., 1646. 

Geo. Pollard, 10th mo., 1646. 

Will of George Pollard, of Marblehead, da- 
ted 13th 3d mo., 1646, mentions Goodman 
Tyler of Lynn, John Hart, Jr., Christopher 
Nicholson, son of Edmond Nicholson, appoints 
Mr. Walton of Marblehead, ex'or. Mr. Mav- 
erick and "Wm. Charles to assist Mr. Walton. 
Probate 31st 10th mo., 1G46. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £66 
4s 3d, returned 31st 10th mo. , 1646. 

Edivard Candall, lOMmo.,1646. 
Inventory of estate of Edward Candall, de- 
ceased the 15th of November, 1646, amount- 
ing to £5 12s, returned by Wm. Ager and 
Peter Palfrey. 

Joane Cummins, 11th mo., 1646. 
Inventory of Joane Cummins, amounting 
to £39 3s 4d, returned by Henry Skerry and 
George Emery, 14th 11th mo., 1646. 

Mrs. Goodalc and John Loivk, 5th mo., 1647. 
Adm'n granted on estate of Mrs. Goodale, 
unto Mr. Edward Rawson, Richard Kent and 
Henry Choot of Newbury, until order of 
Gen'l Court. Ad'm granted on estate of 
John Lowlc, of Newbury, unto Wm. Ger- 
rish, Richard Lowlc, Richard Noyes, John 

Saunders, and Richard Knight, until order of 
Gen'l Court, 6th 5th mo., 1647. 

Wm. Clarke, 5th mo., 1647. 
Inventory of estate of Mr. Wm. Clarke of 
Salem, amounting to £587 3s 2d, returned by 
Mrs. Katherine Clark. 

John Fairfield. 5th mo., 1647. 

Will of John Fairfield, of Wenham, dated 
11th 10th mo., 1646, mentions wife Elizabeth, 
Benjamin, youngest son, under age, son Wal- 
ter, his cousin, Matthew Edwards, wife Eliza- 
beth, sole executrix, and Mr. Henry Bartholo- 
mew and Robert Hawes, both of Salem, to be 
supervisors. Probate 7th 5th mo., 1647.— 
John Fairfield died 22d 10th mo., 1046. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£113 3s 7d, leturned by Eliz'h Fairfield, wid- 
ow, adm'x, 7th 5th mo., '47. 

Charges against said estate— for the keeping 
of two children, the one 2 yr old, 5 mo., and 
the other 8 yrs old, 2 mos,, £10 ; for 1 child, 
old, 5 mos., £1. 

The estate being divided into four parts is 
to each £9 12s lOd. 

Christopher Young, 5th mo., 1647. 
Will of Christopher Young, of Wenham, 
dated 19th 4th mo., 1647, mentions three 
children, who are to be sent to Great Yar- 
mouth, in Norfolk* Old England, to his father 
in law, Mr. Richard Elvin, and his mother in 
law, Mrs. Elvin ; the said father and mother 
in law, with John Phillips, of Wenham, to 
be his feoffees of trust. Said Phillips to adopt 
his son if he be living ; mentions his sisters, 
the wife of Joseph Young, and the wife of 
Thomas Moore, of Salem ; gives his great bible 
to his daughter Sarah, and his other bible to 
his daughter Mary, and a book entitled "God's 
all sufficiency to Christians,'' to his son ; gives 
a book entitled the "Deceitfulness of many 
Hearts" to his dear friend, EzdrasRead, appts. 
William Browne, of Salem, Ezdras Reed of 
Wenham, and the wife of Joseph Young, ex'rs 

his friend Henry Bartholomew, supervisor. — 
Probate 8th 5th mo., 1647. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £5 
lis, returned by Phineas Fiske, William Fiske, 
and Edward Spaulding, 7th 5th mo., 1647. 

Luke Heard, 1th mo. , 1647. 
Will of Luke Heard, ot Ipswich, as testified 
to by John Wyatt and Simon Tompson, who 
heard him make his will, to wit : To his eld- 
est son, John, £10, to be paid at 21 years of 
age ; to his son Edmond, £5, to be paid at 21 
years of age ; his books to his two sons, to be 
equally parted between them; "aisoe this is 
my will yt my two sonnes be brought up to 
writing and to reading, and then when they 
ehal be fitt, to be putt forth to such trades as 
they shall choose," his wife Sarah, sole execu- 
trix. Probate 28th 7th mo,, 1647. 

Bond of Joseph Bigsby and Sarah Heard, 
widow, both of Ipswich, to the Court of Ips- 
wich, in the sum of £30, dated 15th 10 mo., 
1647. Signed Joseph Bigsby, the mark | of 
Sarah Heard. Witness — Margaret Rogers, 
John Rogers. 

"The condition of this obligation is such, 
yt ye above bounden Joseph Bigsby and Sarah 
Hearde, (in case they proceed together in 
marriage intended,) if they or either of them 
shall doe or cause to bee done these things 
following : 

1. That the two children of the said widow, 
wch were left unto her by her late husband, 
Luke Hearde, of Ipswich, Linnen weaver, be 
well brought up and due meanes be used to 
teach them to read and write well as soone as 
they are cappable, 

2. That at the age of thirteen yeares at the 
furthest, they be put forth to be apprentices in 
such trades as Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, their 
Grandfather Wyat, and Ensigne Howlet, in 
writing under their hand, or any two of them 
in like manner shall advise unto, and the chil- 
dren like of. 

3. That unto the said children be paid, at 

the ago of one and twenty yeares, fifteen pounds 
given them by will of their father, viz : ten 
pound to the elder, at his time of one and 
twenty yeares, and five pounds to the younger 
when he shall bee at the like age ; also that 
the bookes bequeathed them by their father 
be given them by equall division, according to 
his will. 

4. That five pounds more be paid to the 
children of the said Sarah, (if living,) or ei- 
ther of them at her will and discretion, as shee 
shall see cause to divide it in even or unequall 
portions to them, or to give the whole to the 
younger in case the elder be better provided 

5. That the said Joseph and Sarah shall 
doe, or admit to bee done, any such further 
order as the Court of Ipswich shall see meet 
to require upon the motion of the] said advis- 
ors, for the securing of the forementioned dues 
to the children, as well as for the freing of the 
said Joseph and Sarah from any entangle- 
ments on the children's part, by reason of her 
exequetrixship, or otherwise from hence arising 
beside the direct and true meaning and intent 
of these conditions. 

6. That whereas, there is a portion of land 
in Asington, in Suffolke, in England, wch 
shall bee the right of the said Sarah after the 
decease of her mother, (the tenor whereof ia 
not certainly known to us,) if the said lands 
bee not entailed, then the said Joseph shall 
not claim any title hereunto by virtue of mar- 
riage wth the said Sarah, but the said Sarah 
shall have the whole and sole power to dispose 
of it, both the use and the gift of it, when and 
to whom she shall thinke meet. 

That then this obligation shall bee void and 
of none effect, otherwise to stand and bee of 
force." Signed Joseph Bixby, the mark | of 
Sarah Heard. Witnesses — Margaret Rogers, 
John Rogers. 

Richard Woodman, YQth mo., 1647. 
John Gillow and Henry Bartholomew tes- 
tify as to* will of Rich/d Woodman, of Lynn, 
as follows: four pounds to the elders of Lynn, 


fortie shillings apiece ; all the residue of his 
goods he would give to Joseph Belknap, Rich- 
ard Moore, and his master, John Gillow, 
equally divided. Appoints Joseph Belknap, 
exor. Probate 1st 10th mo., 1047, 

John Pride, 10th mo., 1647. 
Inventory of estate of John Pride, of Salem, 
amounting to £88 10s. 

Rkh'd Bay ley, 1st mo., 1648. 

Will of Rich'd Bayley, of Rowley, dated 
15th 12th mo., 1647, mentions son Joseph 
Bayley, wife Edna, brother James Bayley, and 
Michael Ilopkinson, his nephew, John Bay- 
ley, Thomas Palmer, his wife Edna ext'x. 
Probate 28th 1st mo., 1648. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£106 18s 10 d, returned by Joseph Jewett, 
Maxiinillian Jewett and Mathew Boyes, 27th 
7th mo., 1648. 

John Batch, ^th mo., 1648. 

"Will of John Balch, of Salem, dated 15th 
May. 1648, mentions Annis his" wife, eldest 
son Benjamin, second son John, youngest 
son Freeborn, wife Annis and son Benjamin 
ex'ors, and John Proctor and William Wood- 
bury, overseers. Witnesses, Peter Palfrey, 
Nicholas Patch, Jeffrey Massey. Probate 
28th 4th mo., 1G48. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£220 13s 4d, returned by John Porter, Peter 
Palfrey, Jeffrie Massy, and Nicholas Patch. 

John Jarret, 7th mo., 1648. 
Inventory of estate of John Jarret, of 
Rowley, amounting to £09 16s 2d, returned 
7th mo. ,1048. 

Edmond lnyalls, 9th mo., 1648. 
Will of Edmond Ingalls, of Lynn, dated 
28th August, 1648, mentions wife Ann, and 
appoints her ext'x, leaves Katherine Skipper 
with his wifo. Son Robert, daughters Eliz- 
abeth, Mary, dau Faith wifo to Andrew Al- 

len, sons John, Samuel, dau Sarah wife to 
William Bitnar, son Henry, brother Francis 
Ingalls and Francis Dane, son in law, over- 
seers. Trobate 14th 9th mo., 1648. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£135 8s lOd, returned 14th 9th mo., 1648. 

Allen Keniston, 10th mo., 1648. 

Will of Allen Keniston, of Salem, dated 
10th 9th mo., 1648, mentions Capt. Hathorne 
£5, Capt. Davenport, £3, John Bayley, either 
a heifer or a cow, Mr. Curwin and Mr. Price, 
20s apiece, his wife Dorothy to take the rest, 
and appoints her ext'x. 

Gives to Mr. Norris 50s, to Mr. Sharpe, 
40s, and to Mr. Bartholomew, 40s. Probate 
27th 10th mo., 1648. 

Wm. Southmead, 12th mo., 1648. 
Inventory of estate of William Southmead, 
of Gloucester, amounting to £43 10s. Pro- 
bate 20th 12th mo., 1648. 

George Varnum, 1649. 

Will of George Varnum, of Ipswich, dated 
21st 2d mo., 1649, mentions wife, son Samu- 
el, dau Hannah (single,) appoints Thomas 
Scott and son Samuel, ex'ors. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£86 17s, 6d, taken 12th 8th mo., 1649. 

Milts Ward, 1th mo., 1650. 

Inventory of estate of Miles Ward, of Sa- 
lem, what debts to receive, and what debts to 
pay, related by himself, in Virginia, the 3d 
of the 1st mo., 1650. 

"In England, given by his father as a leg- 
gacie, fortie pounde, to bee payd to the sd 
Miles by his brother, wch he both giueth and 
bequeath to his foure children." His wife 

Thomas Cook, 7th mo., 1650. 
Inventory of estate of Thomas Cook, a- 
mounting to £40, returned by Wm. Barthol- 
omew, and Wm. Varney. 


Hugh Burt, 10th mo., 1650. 
Will of Hugh Burt, of Lynn, dated- 

mentions his wife, and appoints her ext'x, 2 
children, uncle and aunts in England. Pro- 
bate 21st 10th mo., 1650. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£65 15s lid, returned 31st 10th mo., 1650. 

Edmund Lewis, 12th mo., 1650. 

Will of Edmund Lewis, of Lynn, dated 18th 
11th mo., 1650, mentions eldest son, John 
Lewis, his wife to be sole ex'or, son Thomas 
Lewis. Probate 25th 12th mo., 1650. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£122 7s 6d, returned 25th 12th mo., 1650. 

Joseph How, Ath mo., 1651. 

Will of Joseph How, of Lynn, dated 10th 
Feb., 1650, mentions his wife, daughter Eliz- 
abeth, mother How. Probate 26th 4th mo., 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£107 10s 8d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1651. 

John Osgood, 9th mo., 1651 
Will of John Osgood, of Andover, dated 
Apr. 12th, 1650, in his 54th year, born in 
1595, July 23, mentions son John, Stephen, 
daughters Mary, Elizabeth, Johannah, daugh- 
ter Sarah Clement, daughter Rakah, son John 
and wife, ex'or. Probate 25th 9th mo., 1651. 
Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£373 7s, returned by Sarah Osgood, ext'x, 
25th 9th mo., 1651. 

James Boutell, 9th mo., 1651. 

Will of James Boutell, of Lynn, dated 22d 
6th mo., 1651, mentions son James, daughter 
Sarah, appoints wife Alice ext'x., son John. 
Probate 26th 9th mo., 1651. 

Inventory of above estate returned 26th 9 th 
mo., '51* 

Henry Birdsalls, 9th mo., 1651. 
Inventory of estate of Henry Birdsalls, a- 
mounting to £47 19s, returned 9th mo., 1651. 

Walter Tibbetts, 1651. 

■, dated 5th 

4th mo., 1651, mentions his wife, making her 
ext'x, grandchild Richard Dicke, daughter 
Mary Haskell, wife of Wm. Haskell, Joseph, 
son to Wm. Haskell, William, another son of 
Wm. Haskell, son in law Edmund Clarke, 
John and Joseph Clarke, Elizabeth Dicke, 
Elenor Luscombe, Salome Trill. 

John Hardy, 4*h mo., 1652. 

Will of John Hardy, of Salem, dated 30th 
1st mo., 1651, mentions Roger Haskell, his 
son in law, and his 4 children, viz: John, 
William, Mark and Elizabeth, Elizabeth, 
daughter of my son Joseph Hardy, daughter 
Elizabeth Haskell, wife Eliz'h, and appoints 
her his ext'x. Probated 30th 4th mo., 1652. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£393 4s 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and 
Walter Price. 

Thomas Warren, 1th mo., 1652. 

Deposition of Rebecca, the wife of Water 
Joy, aged about 27 yrs., the 17th 7th mo., 
1652, says that Thomas Warren, who dyed 
with Prince Rupert, was cousin German to 
Wm. Sergent, of Glocester, and that there is 
none nearer of kin in this country, and I, be- 
ing a little related, do desire Wm. Sergent 
may adm'r on the estate and be accountable, 
before me, Increase Nowell. 

I, John Hill, formerly living in Bristol, in 
Ould England, being hear, testifieth, That 
Thomas Wathing, son to Edmun Wathin, is 
cousin to Wm. Sergent, the said Wm. being 
his father's sister's son. This deponant further 
saith, that this Thomas Wathing went with 
Rolert Gray in Captain Wal serves. 27th 
7th mo., 1652, before Wm. Towens, Robert 
Tucker, Robert El well. 

John Cross, 7th mo., 1652. 
Inventory of estate of John Cross, Ipswich, 
amounting to £382 5s 2d, returned by Richard 
Kimball, Sr=, and Robert Lord, 7th mo.. 


Henry Somerby, 9th mo.. 1G52. 

Petition of Judith Somerby, widow of Hen- 
ry Somerby, Newbury, mentions son Daniel 
under 18 years, daughters Sarah and Eliz'h 
under 10 years— 13th 9th mo., 1G52. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£164 4s, returned by Edmund Greenleaf, 
Richard Browne, and Anthony Somerby, 30th 
9th mo., 1552. 

Wm. Avcrill, March, 1G53. 

Will of Wm. Averill of Ipswich, dated 3d 
4th mo., 1G52, mentions 7 children, Abigail 
Lis wife, appoints her ext'x. Witnessed by 
Andrew Hodges and Reginald Foster, Probate 
29th March, 1053. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£50, returned by A. Hodges and R. Foster, 
29th March, 1G53. 

Thomas Wat hen, 4th mo., 1653. 
Inventory of estate of Thomas Wathen, a- 
mounting to £3 15s, returned by Zebulon Hill 
and Stephen Glover, both of Gloucester. 

Geo. Cole, 4th mo., 1G53. 
Inventory of estate of George Cole, of Lynn, 
amounting to £32 0s 8d, returned by Edward 
Burthum, Nathauiel Ilandsoth, 28th 4th mo., 

Wm. Stevens, 4th mo., 1653. 

Will of Wm. Stevens, of Newbury, dated 
May 19, 1G53, mentions eldest son John, son 
Samuel, both under 21 years, appoints Eliz'h 
his wife, ext'x— 30th 4th mo., 1G53. Died 
May 19, 1053. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
E166 1 Is 0.1, returned by Eliz'h Stevens, ext'x. 
Samuel Bitfield, George Little, Anthony Som- 
erby, Francis Plu miner, and Nicholas Noyes, 
appraisers. Taken Juno 13, 1G53. 

Wm, Triton, 5th mo., 1653. 
Inventory of estate of Wm. Tilton, of Lynn, 
amounting to £128 4s lOd, returned by Fran- 

cis Ingalls, 

Henry Collins and Edward Bur^ 

Thomas Millard, 9th mo., 1653. 

Will of Mr. Thomas Millard, of Newbury, 
declared in the presence of Wm. Colton 
and Ann, his wife, and John Butler, on the 
30th day of August, A. D., 1653, mentions 
wife Anne and 2 children, Rebecca and Eliz'h, 
the children to have their share when they are 
married, and his wife not to hinder them, 
when they are eighteen yoars of age. Pro- 
bate 25th 9th mo., 1653. Died Sept. 2, 1653. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£343 3s 4d, returned by Richard Towle and 
Anthony Somerby, 24th 9th mo., 1653. 

John Robinson, 9lhmo., 1053. 
Inventory of estate of John Robinson, a- 
mounting to £57 8s 6d, returned by Elias 
Stileman and Richard Prince. 

Wm. Bacon, 9th mo., 1653. 

Will of Wm. Bacon, of Salem, as declared 
in presence of George Emery and Elizabeth 
Boyce, mentions son Isaac, under 21, if he dye 
before 21, his (Wm. B.) wife to have his 
share. Ann Potter, wife Rebecca Bacon. — 
Overseers, Joseph Boyse, Lawrence South- 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£184 16s, returned by Thos. Gardner, Sr., and 
Joseph Boyce, 9th 9th mo., 1053. 

Abraham Warre, 1654. 

Will of Abraham War, of Ipswich, married 
man, dated 22d day 2d month, 1654, mentions 
daughter Sarah and wife, to bring her up in 
the fear of the Lord, and to have a care of her 
as if she were her own, his wife ext'x. Wit- 
nessed by Roger Sampson, Wm. Simonds, 
John Warren. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£47 5s Id. 

Wm. Varney, March, 1654. 
Inyentory of estate of Wm. Varney, of Ips* 


wich, amounting to £57 2s 8d, returned 30th 
1st mo., 1G54. 

John Cooly, March, 1G54. 
Inventory of estate of John Coolye, of Ips- 
wich, amounting to £66 14s 8d, returned by 
Edward Browne and Kobt Lord, 28th 1st mo., 

Richard Rollingworlh, 4th mo., 1654. 
Inventory of estate of R. Hollingworth, of 
Salem, amounting to £365 14s 6d. returned 
by Walter Price and Samuel Archard, 25th 
4th mo., 1654. 

Dan'l Rolfc, 4th mo., 1654. 
Inventory of Daniel Rolfe, of Ipswich, a- 
mounting to £73 17s 8d, returned by Daniel 
Thurston, John Gage, Robert Lord, prized 
24 June, 1654, mentions father Humphrey 
Bradstreet, Goodman Weeks, of Salem. 

Geo. Burrill, 4th mo., 1654. 

Will of George Burrill, Sr., of Lynn, dated 
18th October, 1653, mentions sons Francis, 
John, free, George, free, his son Francis' child. 
Mr. Whiting, Mr. Cobbett, and Thos. Laugh- 
ton, with his son Francis, to see the will ful- 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£848 10s, returned by Edward Burcham, 
Francis Ingalls, taken 21st 4th mo., 1654. 

Wm. Wake, 4th mo., 1654. 

Will of Wm. Wake, dated 17th 2d mo., 
1654, mentions daughter Kathrin Wake, in 
England, if she be living, and brother John 
Wake, in England. Hilliard Veren and Wal- 
ter Price to be overseers. Witnesses, Thomas 
Smith and Jonathan Porter. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to £60 
8s 6d, returned by Edmond Batter and Elias 
Stileman, taken 22d 4th mo., '54. 

Thos. Truster, 4th mo., 1654. 
Inventory of estate of Thos. Trusler, (died 
5th 1st mo,, 1654,) amounting to £188 12 8d, 

returned by Thos. Browne and Robert Moul- 
ton, Sr 

Thomas Buxton, 4th mo., 1654. 
Inventory of estate of Thomas Buxton, a- 
mounting to £52 8s, taken 5th 4th mo., 1654, 
returned by Thoma3 Gardner, Sr.. and Mi- 
chael Shaflin. 

Wm. Agcr, 4th mo., 1654. 

Will of Wm. Ager, of Salem, dated 3d 1st 
mo., 1654, mentions Joseph Ager, if he be 
living, if not, his (J. A.) son Benjamin to 
have his father's share, mentions son Jona- 
than, daughter Abigail Kibben, wife Alice, 
appoints his wife ext'x. Witness, Nathaniel 
Pickman, Tabitha Pickman, Elias Stileman, 
jr. Probate Nov., 1654. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£43 14s 8d, taken by Em'd Batter and Elias 
Stileman, 20th 4th mo., '54. 

Thos. Scruggs, 4ih mo., 1654. 

Inventory of estate of Thomas Scrugss, tak- 
en 24th June, 1654, amounting to £244 10s 
2d, returned by Roger Conant, Nicholas 
Patch, and Wm. Dodge. 

Deed of Margery Scruggs, widow, dated 
24th 4th mo,, 1652, to her son in law, John 
Rayment, of all her right of dower in her hus- 
band Thomas Scruggs' estate, for certain val- 
uable considerations, as set forth in said deed 
on file 4th mo., 1654. Witnessed by Roger 
Conant, Nicholas Patch, William Dodge. 

Wm. Fiske, 7lh mo., 1654. 
Inventory of estate of Wm. Fiske, of Wen- 
ham, taken 16th 7th mo., '54, amounting to 
£141 12s 6d, returned by Phineas Fiske, Aus- 
tin Killam and Edward Kemp. 

Geo. Williams, 9th mo., 1654. 
Will of Geo. Williams, of Salem, dated 
23d 7th mo., 1654, mentions his wife Marie, 
John eldest son, his dau Marie Bishop and 
her 2 children, sons Sam'l, Joseph and George, 
daughters Sarah and Bethia, hia daughter Sa- 


iab to have a double portion, "in respect of 
her infirmitie." Ilia wife Marie and son John 
joint ex'ors. Thomas Norton, Henry Wood- 
berry and Jeffrey Massy, overseers. Witness- 
es, John Home, Elias Stileman, Jr., Thos. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£320 lis lid, taken 18th 8th mo., 1654, by 
Elias Stileman, Jr., Rich'd Bishop. 
To be Continued. 


In an old Manuscript book, running 
from 1G85 to 1695, in which the wri- 
ter, Capt. Samuel Ingersoil, of Salem, record- 
ed many matters relating to the sale ot his 
cargoes, disbursement of his voyages, and his 
own and his wife's birth, and their marriage, 
and the dates of births and names of his chil- 
dren, and many miscellaneous memoranda, I 
find the following formula for a Hair Restor- 
er, which may perhaps be as useful as many 
of the present day nostrums. It is, however, 
defective, in that it does not specify whether 
the 'Metson' is for internal or external use, nor 
whether it is as efficacious for a woman as for 
a man. 

"A Metson to make a man's hear groe 
when he is bald : 

"Take sum fler flies and sum Redd wormes, 
and black snayls, and sum hune bees, and 
dri them, and then pound them to powder, 
and mixt them in milk or water." 

On another page is the following record : 

"Samuel Ingersoil was born the Gth day of 
October, 1058. Sarah, his wife, was born the 
11th day of December, 1GG5, and we ware 
marred ve 28th April, 1684. Sarah, our Daf- 
tcr, was born ye 12th October, 1G8G. Marga- 
ret was born ye 8th ot April, 1G90. Susana 
was born ye 4th Day of December, 1G92." 

This Samuel Ingersoil was the son of John, 
who was the eon of Richard Ingersoil, or In- 
kcrsall, the first of tho namo in New England, 
lie emigrated from Bedfordshire, England, in 

1G29, and settled at Salem. He was recom- 
mended to Gov. Endicott by Matthew Cra- 
dock, the Governor of the Company in Eng- 
land. He was granted a farm of 80 acres, at 
Riall Side, which descended to his sons John 
and Nathaniel. He was authorized in 1637, 
to establish a ferry over the North river, in Sa- 
lem, and to charge one penny for every passen- 
ger. He died about 1644, Anne, his wife, 
was a member of the Church at Salem, 1634. 
After Richard's decease, she married John 
Knight, of Newbury, and died 1677: His 
children were George, Nathaniel, John, Sarah, 
Joana or Jane, Alice and Bathsheba. 

George Ingersoil, son of Richard, was born 
in England, 1618, and came to Salem with 
his father. In 1655, he lived at Falmouth 
(now Portland,) where he built one or two 
mills, and in 1657 he was of Gloucester, where 
he had previously lived in 1652, and was a 
Representative to the General Court from that 
town in that year. 

Alice, daughter of Richard Ingersoil, was 
married to Josiah Wolcott, Bathsheba to John 
Knight, Jr., of Newbury, Sarah to William 
Haynes and afterwards to Joseph Houlton, and 
Jane to Richard Fettingall. 

Nathaniel, son of Richard Ingersoil, mar- 
ried Hannah Collins, and lived at Salem Vil- 
lage, and was Deacon of the church there. — 
He had one daughter who died before he did. 
He appears to have been a very worthy man 
and much respected in the community. He 
died early in 1718-19, his wife surviving him. 
By his will he left fifty shillings to the church 
at the village to purchase some Silver Cupa 
for the more adorning the Lord's table, and 
he left two acres of land to the inhabitants of 
the village for a training place forever. The 
bulk of his property, after his wife's decease, 
he left to his adopted son, Benjamin Hutchin- 
son, subject to the payment of some legacies 
to several of his relatives. 

John Ingersoil, son of Richard, and father 
of Samuel, was born in England, 1625, and 
married Judith, daughter of Nathaniel Felton. 


His ^children were John, Nathaniel, Ruth, 
Kichard, Sarah, Samuel, Joseph and Hannah. 

Samuel, the owner of the Manuscript, ap- 
pears to have been a shipmaster, and his voy- 
ages seem to have been to Barbadoes, New- 
foundland and Saltatudos, and from some en- 
tries ot ''great and little general ;" he seems oc- 
casionally to have gone on fishing voyages. — 
He died about 1095, and his widow became 
the second wife of Philip English. Estate 
£538 15s. 

As illustrating the relative value of land and 
stock, I give some items of the appraisement 
of the estate of Richard Ingersoll, as made by 
Townsend Bishop and Jeffrey Massy, October 
4th, 1G44 : 

7 Cows, £34 ; 2 Young Steers, £4 ; one 
Bull, £7 ; p oxen, £14 : 2 horses and mare, 
and a Young Colt, £25, a Farm of 80 acres, 
£7 ; among other items was a Moose Skin 
Suit. B. F. B. 


The following letter, written to Joshua Ward, Esq., 
of Salem, by a gentleman who afterwards held a 
conspicuous position as one of the most respected 
members of our community, exhibits the condition 
of our troops during the revolutiouary struggle, and 
on that account may not be devoid of interest. 

Camps Near West Point, Feb'y 12, 1782. 
Lear Sir: — Poverity Drives me to troble you at 
this time that is to se if you will be so kind a? to 
Creadet me for the Following artecels to it — for Lin- 
nen a nough for six shirts and 12 yards of Jane of a 
Dark Snuf Collar it Being for a Patton for two Pare 
of Overalls and two Wescoats— -and a patton of White 
Ribed Stuff for a Wescoat & Briches such as would 
answer for Somer ware what you should think most 
Proper if you will Creadet me for the a bove artecels 
while I Come whome or while we draw wages you 
Shall be well Paid for the Same and you will great- 
ley a Bleage me at this time — as I am entirley Des- 
tetute of money and am not able to get these things 
at this time without Some gentlemon will give me 

Short Creadet for them — and it will bo very Difecolt 
for me to Do without them as I have the Command 
of tho Light Infentry Company and our Regt is un- 
der marchen orders Seposed to go to Alboney and if 
we go into that Conterey most Sertain my dutey will 
Consist in Scouten the woods which will be very un- 
cofetebel in Hot wather with thick Cloathen. 

Theirfore I am under the absolute Nesety of asken 
this Paver of you for which I hope you will bo 
Pleased to grant and you shall be wal Paid as soon 
as Posable. 

Sir you must think that it is a hard thing that af- 
ter I have Resked my life for upward of six years in 
the Publick Servis to Be Brought so Low as to not 
be able to By a Small matter of Somer Cloathen But 
it is in fackt the Case Prohaps you will Say it is by 
Reason of my one enprudens but I think it is not 
the case. I engaged in the Servis in 1777 and Re- 
ceaved the Nomenel Sum of my wages in old Conti- 
nelton Dollars and all I have Receaved sens Jany 
1st 1780 is Sixty Hard Dollars and Sixty New omis- 
ion — it is true Some of the troops have Receaved some 
new omesion for the year 1781 but my Companey 
being at the Sotherd the money was Drawn for them 
for 3 months and it grue so Bad that the Coll. Saw 
Proper to Return the money again as it was of no 
Vallew in Virgeney where they were. 

I hope you wont think I am a Blamen you or En- 
ey other gentlemon for it, I am ondly menshenen to 
you our Hard forten — but it dont all Discorage me 
in the least. I hant none what it was to Command 
one Dollar this 2 months ncr I Dont no as I shall for 
six months to come but if I Can get a few shirts and 
a few thin cloathen I feal my Self Pritey wal Con- 
tented to be with out money for I am Detarmend as 
I have beene so long in the servis to se it out if I am 
even a bleage to fight with even a Shirt. 

Sir, I must Beg your Pardeu fo* Trobelen you 
with so long a Scrall and Conclude Subscriben my 
Self your Most obedient and Humble Servent. 

S A . 

N. B. Sir if you Should be Pleased to Send the a 
bove articels by the Barer Pleas to Send a bill of the 
Coast for I will Send the money as Soon as in my 
Power if I dont Come whome my Self. S. A. 

their would want a Small matter of Corsen Linn. 



Among my old papers, I find the following 
6craps, which, together with some other old matters 
of a quaint and curious nature, which I propose to 
send you from time to time for publication, serve to 
illustrate the manners and customs of our Ancestors 
in "ye quiete and peaceable Towne of Salem." 

"Janeuary ye 4th 1710 Rescued of Win. Pickering 
fifteen pounds in money being in full for an Indian 
Gcrll Bd Pickering boft of me in augustt Lastt. 
Fra's Holmes. p. 

Salem, May 11, 1732. 

This Day Sold to Mr. Myles Ward Jun'r A Negro 
Girle Caled Betty for fifty five pounds and took oble- 
gation for the same. James Lindall. 

Witness, James Lindall, Jun'r, Sarah Lindall, Ter- 

whilst he was reading of it. I was in the meeting' 
all the while the papyr of Notification for the Com- 
moners' meeting was reading, and can testify to the 
truth above written, if I should be callced there to. 
Salem, March 30, 1702. 


Messrs. Editors: — The certificate, of which I send 
you a copy, refers to the old custom of notifying 
Town Meetings, Trainings, and other secular occa- 
sions, at the Thursday Lecture in tho Meeting House. 
It reminds us of a littlo incident which was said to 
have taken place in one of the churches in New Or- 
leans one Sunday, a few years sinco. The officiating 
clergyman, at the close of his sermon, made the fol- 
lowing announcement: "I am requested to give no- 
tice that there will bo a Horso Race in the rear of 
this house, immediately after divine service. My 
hearers, I trust you will all be present." b. 

Kulcm, March 19, 1850. 

This may signify to whom it may concerne, that 
on February the L8th, 1701, being our Lecture day 
; ( i Salem, Joseph Neal, being at meeting, continued 
quietly and orderly at the timo of the publick wor- 
and read not the papyr (papor) of Notification 
for the Commoners' meeting till such timo after the 
public worship as is usual with us, when training 
days are warned, or Town meetings appointed; and 
he was not forbid reading of it as I know, or any 
(Ussatisfaotion signified against his reading of it, 


Messrs. Editors: — The following Indenture is, I 
think, worthy of being preserved in print, as a re- 
cord of at least two by-gone institutions, viz: "bound 
servants," and the custom of teaching servants "to 
read a chapter well in the Bible." b. m. h. 

This Indenture, Made the first Day of September, 
RRas, Annas Nunc Magna? Brittanige Duodecimo 
annoq Dom., 1713^ Witnesseth that Nicholas Bour- 
guess, a youth of Guarnsey, of his own free and vol- 
untary will, and bv and with the Consent of his 
present Master, Capt, John Hardy, of Guarnsey, 
aforesaid, Marriner, hath put himselfe a Servant 
vnto Mr. William English, of Salem, in the County 
of Essex, within the Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay in New England, Marriner, for the space of 
four yeares from the Day of the Date hereof, vntill 
the aforesaid Terme of four yeares be fully Corn- 
pleat & Ended, During all which time the said Ser- 
vant his said Master, his heires, Executors, admin- 
istrators or assignees Dwelling within the province 
aforesaid, shall well and faithfully serve, their law- 
ful commands obey; he shall not absenfl himselfe 
from his or their service without Leave or Lycensa 
first had from him or them; his Master's Money, 
goods or other Estate he shall not Purloine, embez- 
le or wast; at unlawfull Games he shall not Play; 
Tavernes or Alehouses he shall not Frequent; forni- 
cation he shall not Committ, nor Matrimony Con- 
tract; but in all things shall Demean himselfe as a 
faithfull Servant During the Terme aforesaid, and 
the aforesaid Master, on his part, doth for himselfe, 
his heires and assignees, Covenant, promise and 
agree to and with the said Servant; that he or they 
shall and will provide <fc find him with sufficient 
Meat, Drink, Cloathing, washing & Lodging, & in. 
Case of Sickness, with Phisick, and attendance 
During the Terme aforesaid, and to Learn him to 
read a Chapter well in the biblo, it he may be capa- 
ble of Learning it, & to Dismiss him with two suits 
of Apparell for all parts of his Body — the one for 
Lord's Days, the other for working Days. In Testi- 


mony & for Confirmation whereof the parties afore- 
named have Intcrchangably set their hands and 
Seales the Day & Yeare first above written. 

nicollas bourgaize, John Hardy. 
Signed, Sealed & Delivered in presence of us, — 
Marg't Sewall, Jun'r, Susannah Sewall, Stephen 
Sevvall, Not. pub. & Justice peace. 



Read at a meeting of the Essex Institute, Jan. 28, 1858. 

Before proceeding "with the narrative, I will 
say a few words upon the character of the na- 
tives of this coast ; the impression having gone 
abroad, and has even been stated in our pul- 
pits and elsewhere, that the wrongs they have 
experienced at our hands have led to their 
bad faith and perfidy ; and that we, Americana, 
are, after all, responsible for it. That this is 
a base calumny and has no foundation in 
truth, we shall first endeavor to show. 

*[It may be proper perhaps to state in the 
outset, that the whole of the pepper coast is 
inhabited by emigrants from Acheen, the res- 
idence of the king, and the capital of his do- 
minions ; and although they are generally 
spoken of by us as Malays, are nevertheless a 
distinct race from them, speaking an unwrit- 
ten language wholly unlike the Malay tongue 
and differing from them in everything but 
their religion. The Acheenise have an imper- 
fect and vague tradition, which savors more of 
fable than reality, that they are the descend- 
ants of a people, who, at a very remote period, 
emigrated from the Mediterranean, or, as they 
express it, from "Roma," (by which is meant, 
no doubt, a colony of Phenicians,) who, in 

*The matter contained between these brackets 
was published in the Boston Courier by the author 
of this account, in the summer of 1852. 

the course of their extensive maritime enter- 
prises, visited the northern part of this island 
by way of the Red Sea, and formed a settle- 
ment at Acheen, where intermarrying with 
the natives their posterity have ever since re- 

The coast from Acheen southward was ori- 
ginally peopled by Malays, but wherever the 
Acheenise have made settlements the aborigi- 
nes have invariably been exterminated, either 
by secret assassination or poison : and by such 
and kindred foul practices they have possessed 
themselves of the whole of the pepper coast, 
and scarcely a real native Malay is now met 
with. All writers, for centuries past, have 
agreed in representing these people as the 
most subtle, crafty and treacherous of all the 
nations of the East. Our dealings with them 
generally (I will not say always — for bad and 
unprincipled men are sometimes found en- 
gaged in all trades,) but generally our deal- 
ings with them are such as of necessity they 
must be with a people from whom we can 
never obtain redress for any bad faith or dis- 
honesty ; who acknowledge no laws, have no 
tribunals of justice to which we can appeal for 
broken faith or violated contracts, and hold 
themselves bound by no ties of integrity or 
honor ; for it would be as difficult to carry 
out equitably any compact made with them, 
if it should conflict with their interests, as it 
would be vain to expect mercy from the fero- 
cious tenants of their forests. That they have 
at times been over-reached at their own play 
in their attempts to defraud and impose upon 
us, and that the measure they mete unto oth- 
ers has been measured to them again, will not 
be denied ; and that our interests have also 
frequently suffered severely by their fraudu- 
lent practices, is equally certain. If we were 
not always on the alert to detect and counter- 
balance their frauds, and sometimes even to 
anticipate them, we should be obliged to aban- 
don the trade altogether. But the Munchau- 
sen stories which are sometimes banded about, 
are often without any foundation in truth , and 


are not unfrcquently the offspring of the brain 
of individuals, who hope to gain in this way a 
character for great shrewdness in their deal- 
ings. But these trials at circumvention, in 
which they as often gain the advantage as lose 
it, do not certainly justify the piracy and 
murder of our countrymen trading upon their 

So far from becoming corrupt, perfidious 
and treacherous, by our intercourse with them, 
it will be found, by a little research, that 
these attributes in their characters existed, in 
as eminent a degree, upwards of two centuries 
ago, as at present ; and setting aside the in- 
signiiicancc into which the king's power has 
dwindled, the accounts of them then would an- 
swer as well as any description which could 
now be given. In Mavor's historical account 
of early voyages, is one of Commodore Bieu- 
lieu's to the East Indies in 1619 — 22, under- 
taken for commercial purposes, under the 
auspices of the French government. Mons. 
Bieulieu is represented as an officer of distin- 
guished character, both for the integrity of 
his conduct and the extent of his abilities. — 
The account he has given of his enterprise is 
universally admired, for candid statement, 
and easy, unaffected detail. lie left France 
October 2, 1GTJ, with three vessels under his 
command, and in the course of his voyage vis- 
ited Acheen, to obtain the king's permission 
to traffic within his dominions. lie describes 
liis reception by the king, and the pomp and 
lificence of his court at that time, and 
!;:i!s several instances of his majesty's 
■ cruelty in mutilating his subjects upon 
most trilling pretext, to which he was a 
painful eye-witness. Finally, after along nc- 
atii Q, and submitting to much extortion, 
he succeeded in obtaining the desired permis- 
sion, and, in his first attempts to avail himself 
of it, be gives the following account : 

"The avarice of this monarch was not less 
detestable than his cruelty. No representa- 
tions or presents could get the better of it. Not- 
withstanding I had procured a license to pur- 

chase pepper of his subjects, the first person who 
sold me any was laid in irons. At last I found 
it impossible to procure a grain, unless I con- 
sented to take it of him at his own price ; and 
after I had agreed for three hundred bahars 
at nearly double its value, to my astonishment, 
I found he exacted seven per cent, by way of 
custom, for the very pepper I had purchased 
of himself. I afterwards contracted with a per- 
son who was distinguished for his knowledge 
of the laws of Mahomet, and even passed for 
a prophet himself, but finding some black sand 
among his pepper, I remonstrated. At last I 
found he weighed out the commodity wet, 
and although a complaint to the king might 
have procured me revenge, I chose rather to 
submit to the loss than enter into a dispute 
with this sanctified personage. Wearied out 
at lenylhwith the impositions of the tyrant, and 
disgusted with the chicanery of his subjects, I 
resolved to depart." This author also adds, 
"The inhabitants of Acheen are the most vi- 
cious of any on the coast. Tliey are proud, 
perfidious and envious. With an outward 
show of being strict Mahometans, they are 
the most consummate hypocrites. If they on- 
ly suspect that any one bears them any 
ill will, they endeavor to ruin him by 
false accusations." Commodore Bieulieu's 
account is corroborated by all the early 
English navigators, who visited Acheen under 
the direction of the East India Company, im- 
mediately after its first charter by Queen Eliz- 
abeth in 1G00. The character of those people, 
since that period, has undergone no radical or 
material change ; it is essentially the same in 
all respects, now as then. We omitted to re- 
mark that Commodore Bieulieu had one of 
the vessels under his command burnt by the 
natives, and all the plunder detained by the 
king. We think no candid, liberal and un- 
prejudiced niiud will seek far, or look deep, 
for motives to stimulate such a mercenary 
people to acts of violence on our ships when- 
ever opportunities offer ; and that no other 
incentives are needed than such as are found 


inherent in their own breasts, that is, a love 
of plunder, to deeds of crime and outrage.] 

This, let it be borne in mind, was their char- 
acter in the year 1G20, the very year of the 
landing of the Pilgrim Fathers, at Plymouth. 
One can therefore appreciate how far we, 
Americans, who had then no existence as a 
nation, and who had no intercourse with these 
people for 170 years after this period, are re- 
sponsible for these traits of character, and 
how far we therefore have corrupted ihei? in- 
tegrity. Having now finished our preface, we 
will commence our narrative. 

And here we would remark, in compiling 
this account, we have met with a serious ob- 
stacle, which has baffled all our skill to over- 
come — that is, how to avoid the too frequent 
and objectionable use of the little personal 
pronoun I, which must strike every reader of 
the narrative, in common with myself. We 
trust, however, the peculiar circumstances of 
the case will be considered and appreciated, 
and that charity extended to me which the 
subject seems imperatively to demand. 

The ship Friendship, of this place, under my 
command, belonging to the Messrs. Pickman 
and Silsbeea, sailed from Salem for the west 
coast of Sumatra, with a crew of seventeen 
men, including officers and seamen, on the 
26th of May, 1830. The persons composing 
the ship's company, were as follows : Charles 
M. Endicott, Master ; Charles Knight, 1st 
Mate ; John Barry, 2d Mate ; William Bray, 
Carpenter ; George Chester, Algernon War- 
ren, John Davis, John Massey, George Col- 
lins, William Parnell, Gregorie Pedechie, 
Charles Converse, Philip Manning, John Pat- 
terson and John Byrne, Seamen ; William 
Francis, Steward ; George Migill, Cook ; and 
after the usual succession of fair winds and 
foul, calms and storms, arrived safely at her 
place of destination on the 22d September fol- 
lowing. We touched first at the port of Qua- 
lahBattoo, (i.e., in English, Rocky River,) 
in Lat. 3° 48m North, This place is inhabited 
by natives from the Pedir Coast, on the north 

of the island, as well as Acheenite, and i&. 
therefore governed jointly by a Pedir and 
Acheenise Rajah. We remained here for the 
purposes of trade, until the 5ch of November 
following, at which time, having obtained all 
the pepper of the old crop, and the new pep- 
per not coming in until March or April, we 
left that port, and in prosecution of our voy- 
age visited several others, and finally returned 
tc Pulo Kio, (i. e., in English, Wood Island,) 
about two miles from Qualah Battoo, the lat- 
ter part of January, 1831, intending to re- 
main there until the coming in ot the pepper 

One bright moonlight night, shortly after 
our arrival at this place, I was awakened by 
the watch informing me that a native boat was 
approaching the ship in a very stealthy man- 
ner, and under suspicious circumstances. I 
immediately repaired on deck, and saw the 
boat directly in our wake under the stern, the 
most obvious way to conceal herself from our 
observation, and gradually approaching us 
with the utmost caution, without the least 
noise or apparent propelling power, the oars 
being struck so lightly in the water that its 
surface was scarcely ruffled. Having watched 
their proceedings a few minutes, we became 
convinced it was a reconnoitering party, sent 
to ascertain how good a look-out was kept on 
board the ship, and intending to surprise us 
for nq gOGd purpose, to say the least, if they 
were not discovered. We therefore hailed them, 
in their own dialect, asking them where they 
came from, what they wanted, and why they 
were approaching the ship in such a stealthy, 
tiger-like manner. We could see that all was 
instantly life and animation on board her, and 
after a few moments we received an answer 
that they were friends from Qualah Battoo, 
with a load of smuggled pepper, which they 
were desirous to dispose of to us. We how- 
ever, positively forbade them to advance any 
nearer the ship, or to come along side ; but, 
after considerable discussion, we at length 
gave our consent for them to come abreast tb.e 


ship at a respectful distance, and we would 
send some of our own men on board to ascer- 
tain if their story was correct; and if there 
was nothing suspicious about her, on their 
giving up their side arms we would rig a whip 
upon the maiu yard, and in this way take on 
board their pepper, and allow one man to 
come on board ship to look after it. All our 
own crew had, in the mean time, been mus- 
tered and armed, and a portion of thern placed 
as sentinels on each side the gangway. In 
this manner wo passed on board some 50 or 
GO bags of pepper. We were afterwards in- 
formed by the 2d officer, that while this was 
going forward, the chief officer, who subse- 
quently lost his life, was secretly scoffing at 
these precautions, attributing them to cow- 
ardice, and boasting he could clear the decks 
of a hundred such fellows with a single hand- 
spike. This boat, we subsequently ascer- 
tained, was sent by a young man named Po 
Qualah, the son of the Pedir Puijah, for the 
express purpose which we had suspected ; the 
pepper having been put on board merely as 
an excuse in case they should be discovered. 
It was only a sort of parachute, let off to see 
from what quarter the wind blew, as a guide 
in their future evil designs upon us. Ascer- 
taining, however, by this artifice, that the ship 
was too vigilantly guarded, at least, in the 
night, to be thus surprised, they set them- 
selves at work to devise another plan to decoy 
us to Qualah Battoo. in which, I am sorry to 
say, they were more successful. 

A few days after this occurrence, a deputa- 
tion was sent to invite us to Qualah Battoo, 
representing that the new crop of pepper was 
beginning to make its appearance, and they 
could now furnish us with from one to two 
hundred bags per day, and would no doubt be 
enabled to complete loading the ship in the 
courso of forty days. Being in pursuit of a 
cargo, and having been always on friendly 
terms with the natives of this place, who I 
did not consider worse than those of other 
parts of the coast, and feeling beside some se- 

curity from the fact that we had already been 
warned by some of our old friends not to place 
too much confidence in any of them, all of 
whom, in consequence of the low price of pep- 
per, and from various other causes, were actu- 
ally contemplating piracy along the whole 
coast, whenever a good opportunity should of- 
fer, we considered, with a suitable degree of 
caution, the danger was but trillirjg, and there- 
fore concluded a contract with them, and pro- 
ceeded at once with the ship to Qualah Battoo. 
Strict regulations were then established for the 
security and protection of the ship. Two of 
the most important were, that, in the absence 
of the captain, not more than two Malays 
were to be permitted on board at the same 
time ; and no boats should be allowed to ap- 
proach her in the night time upon any pre- 
tence whatever, without calling an officer. — 
Then mustering all hands upon the quarter 
deck, I made a few remarks, acquainting them 
with my apprehensions, and impressing on 
their minds the importance of a good look-out, 
particularly in the night, and expressed my 
firm conviction that vigilance alone would 
prevent the surprise and capture of the ship, 
and the sacrifice of all our lives ; that the 
words of Po Adam, which they had so often 
heard him utter, "must look sharp," had no 
idle meaning. Having thus done all we could 
to guard against surprise, and put the ship in 
as good a state of defence as under the circum- 
stances was possible ; keeping her entire ar- 
mament in good and efficient order, and firing 
every night an eight o'clock gun, to apprise 
the natives that we were not sleeping upon 
our posts, we commenced taking in pepper, 
and so continued for three or four days, the 
Malays appearing very friendly, and every- 
thing went on satisfactorily. 

On Monday, February 7, 1831, early in the 
morning, while we were at breakfast, my old 
and tried friend, Po Adam, a native well- 
known to traders on this coast, came on board 
in a small canoe from his residence at Pulo 
Kio, in order to proceed on shore in the ship's 


boat^ which shortly after started with the 2d 
officer, four seamen and myself. On our way 
Po Adam expressed much anxiety for the safe- 
ty of the ship, and also an entire want of con- 
fidence in Mr. Knight, the first officer, which, 
however, I then considered unfounded, re- 
marking in his broken English, "he no look 
sharp, no understand Malay -man." On being 
asked if he really believed his countrymen 
would dare to attack the ship, he replied in 
the affirmative. I then observed to the 2d 
officer, it certainly behooved us, the boat's 
crew, who were more exposed than any of the 
ship's company, to be on our guard against 
surprise, and proposed when we next came on 
shore, to come prepared to defend ourselves ; 
but did not think the danger sufficiently immi- 
nent to return to the ship for that purpose at 
the present moment. When we reached the 
landing we were kindly received, as usual, — a 
man who was a stranger to me, of rather pre- 
possessing appearance, pretended to be very 
much pleased with my knowledge of the lan- 
guage, for which he was profuse in his com- 
pliments, and, to hear me speak it, followed 
close upon my footsteps through the bazars, 
and was very assiduous in his attentions. — 
Such circumstances being, however, of almost 
daily occurrence, there was nothing particu- 
lar in this to excite suspicions of any evil in- 
tent, and we were soon upon easy and famil- 
iar terms. The natives were bringing in pep- 
per very slowly ; only now and then a single 
Malay would make his appearance with a bag 
upon his head, and it was not until nearly 3 
o'clock in the afternoon that sufficient was col- 
lected to commence weighing ; and between 3 
and 4 o'clock the first boat started from the 
shore. The natives were, however, still bring- 
ing in pepper, with a promise of another boat- 
load during the day. This was, however, a mere 
subterfuge to keep us on shore. As the boat 
was passing out of the river, I noticed her stop 
upon one of the points, and believing it the 
object of her crew to steal pepper, and secrete 
it among the neighboring high grass, two men 
were eent down to look after them. They 

soon returned, remarking there appeared to be 
nothing wrong. The ship lay about three- 
fourths of a mile from the shore, and between - 
the scale-house and the beach there was a 
piece of rising ground, so that standing at the 
scales we could just aee the ship's topgallant 
yards. I had observed a vessel in the offing 
in the course of the day, apparently approach- 
ing this place or Soosoo, and, being at leisure, 
walked up towards the beach to ascertain if 
she had hoisted any national colours. The 
instant I had proceeded far enough to see our 
ship's hull, I observed the pepper-boat, which 
was at this time within two or three hundred 
feet of her, as she rose on the top of the swell, 
appeared to have a large number of men in 
her. My suspicions were instantly aroused 
that there was something wrong, and I re- 
turned to inquire into the circumstance of the 
men who were sent down to the mouth of the 
river. I was then informed, for the first time, 
as they approached the boat 6 or 7 Malays 
jumped up from the high grass and rushed on 
board her ; and as she passed out of the river, 
they saw her take in from a ferry boat, that 
was passing, about the same number; but as 
they all appeared to be "youngsters ," to use 
their own expression, they did not think the 
circumstance of sufficient importance to men- 
tion it. They w r ere reprimanded for such an 
omission of duty, accompanied with the re- 
mark, "your youngsters, as you call them, 
will, I suspect, be found old enough in iniqui- 
ty, at least;, to capture the ship, if once ad- 
mitted upon her decks." The words of Po 
Adam, that morning, that "Mr. Knight no 
look sharp, no understand Malay-man" now 
struck me with their full force and a fearful 
foreboding, and 1 appealed to Mr. Barry, tho 
2d officer, for his opinion as to what would be 
Mr. Knight's probable course, remarking "he 
certainly will not disobey his orders. ," Mr. 
Barry, however, expressed his fears as to tho 
result, remarking he knew so well the contempt 
which Mr. Knight entertained for these peo- 
ple, "that he will probably conclude your pre- 


cautious to bo altogether unnecessary, and 
that lio can allow them to come on board with 
impunity, without your ever knowing any- 
thing of the circumstance, and no harm will 
come of it." This view of the case certainly 
did not have the effect, in any degree, to al- 
lay my anxiety, and I observed, "if your pre- 
dictions prove correct, the ship is taken ;'" 
but concluding it to be altogether too late for 
us on shore to render any assistance to the 
ship, and still clinging to the hope that Mr. 
Knight would, after all, be faithful to his 
trust, Mr. Barry and two men were directed 
to walk up towards the beach without any 
apparent concern, and watch the movements 
on board. I should have remarked, on my own 
way up to the beach, just before, I passed 
near a tree, under the shade of which a group 
of 10 or 12 natives were apparently holding a 
consultation, and, as 1 approached, all conver- 
sation ceased. The object of this meeting, as 
I was aiterwards informed, was to consider 
whether it would be better to kill us before at- 
tempting to take the ship, or afterward ; and 
the conclusion arrived at was to be sure of the 
ship first, the killing of us appearing to them 
as easy, to use their own simile, as cutting off 
the heads of so many fowls ; the manner how 
had already been decided, the timo when was 
all there was to be considered, — a native hav- 
ing been already appointed, and the price fixed 
for the assassination of each of the boat's crew. 
The price set upon my life was X000 dollars, 
for the 2d officer's, 500 dollars, and for each 
of tho seamen 100 dollars. It was the busi- 
ness of my officious friend, whom 1 met that 
morning on landing, to bestow that delicate 
little piece of attention upon me. 

As soon as Mr. Barry had reached an eleva- 
tion where he could fairly see tho ship's hull, 
I noticed a quick convulsivo movement of his 
limbs, and that ho turned short round, and 
walkod, without hastening his steps, directly 
towards me ; — passing me, however, without 
discovering any emotion, our eyes not being 
even directed towards each other, and said, 

"there is trouble on board, Sir," — to the ques^ 
tion " What did you see?" he replied, "Men 
jumping overboard." Convinced at once, of 
our own perilous situation, and that our escape 
depended on extremely cautious and judicious 
management, I answered "We must show no 
alarm, but muster the men, and order them 
immediately into the boat " At this moment 
we did not know, of course, whether it was the 
natives or our own crew who were jumping 
overboard, there was nothing certain further 
than that the ship was undoubtedly attacked, 
and we on shore must look out for our lives. — 
The men got into the boat in their usual delibr 
erate manner, and winded her head round to- 
wards the mouth of the river, when Philip 
Manning, one of the crew, who had yet no 
suspicion of what was going on, reminded me 
I had not locked the chest containing the 
weights. And here I ought, perhaps* to re^ 
mark that in this trade the weights are aa 
much a matter of contract and bargain as the 
price of pepper, and for the better satisfaction 
of both parties I had recently adopted the plan 
of locking up the weights over night in a chest 
kept on shore tor that purpose. This was in 
the first place to prevent the Malays taking out 
the lead, and in the next, convincing them that 
we did not violate our part of the contract by 
putting any secretly in. Such is the mutual 
want of confidence manifested in our dealings 
with each other on this coast. 

Everything being now in readiness, we push- 
ed off from the shore, the Malays having no 
suspicion of our design, believing we intended 
to remain for the other boat load of pepper, 
and thinking it to be our intention, by our ap- 
parently unconcerned manner, to cross the river 
for a stroll in the opposite Bazar, as was our 
frequent custom. The moment the boat's stern 
had left the bank of the river, Po Adam sprang 
into her in a great state of excitement, to whom 
I exclaimed, "What ! do you come too, Ad- 
am?" — he answered "You got trouble, cap- 
tain, if they kill you, must kill Po Adam first." 
Ho suggested we should immediately steer the 


boat as far as possible from the western bank 
of the river, which was here not more than one 
hundred feet wide, when I remarked to the 
boat's crew, "now spring to your oars my lads 
for your lives, or we are all dead men." Ad- 
am exhibited the utmost alarm and consterna- 
tion, encouraging my men to exert themselves, 
and talking English and Acheenise both in the 
same breath, — now exclaiming in Acheenise, 
di-yoong di yoong hi !" and then exhorting 
them to "pull, pull trong!" The men work- 
ed with a will at their oars, and what with 
their efforts and the assistance of a favourable 
current, we made rapid progress out of the 
river. As we doubled one of the points we saw 
hundreds of natives rushing with wild impet- 
uosity towards she river's mouth, brandishing 
their weapons, and otherwise menacing us. — 
Adam upon seeing this was struck with dis- 
may, and exclaimed "if got blunderbuss will 
kill all," — but luckily they were not provided 
with that weapon, and we therefore escaped 
its dangers. A ferry-boat was next discovered 
with ten or twelve Malays in her, armed with 
long spears, evidently waiting to intercept us. 
I ordered Mr. Barry into the bows of the boat, 
and with Adam's sword to make demonstra- 
tions of being armed, and also to cun the boat 
in such a manner as to run down the ferry 
boat, which I concluded was our only chance 
to escape. Our own boat being a pinnace of 
soma twenty-five feet in length, high out of 
water, and the ferry boat a long low canoe, 
the thing appeared quite feasible. VVith head- 
long impetuosity we were rushing towards our 
antagonist, nerved with the feeling of despera- 
tion. The distance between us was rapidly di- 
minishing. With profound stillness and breath- 
less anxiety we awaited the moment of collision , 
like a fated boat over the cataract of Niagara, 
with scarcely one chance in a thousand to es- 
cape death. The points of their pikes could 
be plainly seen. Already I observed Mr. Bar- 
ry with his sword elevated, as if in the act of 
striking. But when we had approached with- 
in some twenty feet, her crew all at once, as if 
by the direct interposition of Providence, ap- 

peared completely panic struck, and made an 
effort to get out of our way. It was, howev- 
er, a close shave, — so close that one of their 
spears was actually over the stern of our boat, 
which with my hand, as we passed, I pushed 
aside. It was long before the countenances of 
those men, as they sat resting on their spears, 
faded from my recollection, so indelibly were 
they engraven on my memory. They often 
visited me in my dreams, and disturbed even 
my waking hours. We are not at all inclined 
10 a belief in special providences, but thisln- 
cident to my mind is as remarkable as the ces- 
sation of surf, related by Riley, which enabled 
him to escape from the shore out of the hands 

of the Arabs on the West Coast of Africa. 

The Malays on the last point of the river as we 
passed, appeared perfectly frantic at our es- 
cape, and ran into the water up to their arm- 
pits, in their endeavors to intercept us, wav- 
ing their swords above their heads, and shout- 
ing at the tops of their voices. Having now 
run the gauntlet, all danger for the present 
was passed, and during the breathing spell 
which it allowed us, we quietly proceeded the 
remainder of the distance out of the river with- 
out any further incident or molestation. We 
had now time calmly to contemplate the scene 
through which we had just passed, with hearts, 
I trust, grateful to God for his kind protection 
and safe guidance in the midst of its perils. — 
This was the part of their plan, otherwise well 
conceived, which was defective, — they had ta- 
ken no measures to prevent our escape from 
the shore, not believing for a moment that our 
lives were not at their disposal, unprotected and 
defenceless as they saw us. 

The whole scene would furnish an admirable 
subject for the pencil of the artist, — the fragile 
boat running the gauntlet, and forcing her way 
through the narrow passage out of the river — 
maugre the efforts of hundreds of Malays who 
are endeavoring to intercept her; the neighbor- 
ing bazar and the points of the river crowded 
with natives, many of whom are actually in 
the water up to their arm-pits, while others 
are running to and fro, and all in a state 


the greatest excitement, vociferating to the ex- 
tent of their voices. The doomed ship laying 
tranquilly in the roads, with sails furled, and 
a pepper boat alongside, with a multitude of 
natives in every part of her, and none of her 
own crew visible, with the exception of a man 
on the top gallant yard, and some 10 or 12 
heads just even with tne surface of the water. 
High mountains in the back ground densely 
clothed with wood, and along range of low 
thatched houses, with here and there a few co- 
coanut trees surrounding them, and a sandy 
beach of miles in extent, on which the surf is 
beating most furiously. Its well drawn sketch 
could not fail to gratify the lovers of marvel- 
lous and thrilling adventures. 

Having thus cleared the river, which 
was like passing the limits of the valley of the 
shadow of death, our first attention was directed 
to the the ship, and judge of our feelings when, 
after a moment's observation, we were convinc- 
ed she was captured. None of our crew, ex- 
cept one man aloft on the fore top gallant yard, 
could any where be seen, and the pirates were 
conspicuous in every part of her, waving their 
cloths, and making evident signals of success to 
the natives on shore. Without consideration my 
first impulse was to propose boarding her, and 
was very properly reminded that if the ship 
with her full armament had been taken with 
so many of her crew on board, we could do 
comparatively nothing in our unarmed state, 
towards her recapture ; and the idea was as 
soon abandoned as entertained, — if, indeed, it 
was ever seriously entertained at all. 

We however continued to row up towards 
the ship until we could see the Malays pointing 
her muskets at us from the quarter deck, and 
that they appeared also to be clearing away the 
stern chasers, which wo knew to be loaded to 
their muzzles with grapo and langrago, which 
would be exceedingly unwelcome visitors in our 
defenceless situation to encounter. At this 
moment, three large Malay boats crowded with 
men, were seen coming out of the river, and to 
pull directly towards ue. While debating what 
to do, and whether it would not be best to pro- 

ceed at once to Muckie for assistance, which was 
some 25 miles distant, where we knew two or 
three American vessels were laying, heavy clouds 
commenced rolling down over the mountains, 
and the rumbling of distant thunder, and sharp 
flashes of lightning, gave sure indications that 
the land wind would be accompanied with del- 
uges of rain, rendering the night, at least the 
first part of it, one of Egyptian darkness, in 
which it would be almost impossible to grope 
our way safely along shore towards that place. 
Under these discouraging prospects, Po Adam 
advised us to proceed to Pulo Kio, and take 
shelter in his fort. Submitting ourselves al- 
most wholly to his guidance, we at once pull- 
ed away for that place, but before we reached 
it his heart failed him, and he represented his 
fort as not sufficiently strong to resist a vigo- 
rous assault, if one should be made, and would 
not therefore be responsible for our lives,— but 
suggested we should proceed to Soosoo, which 
being some two miles further remote from the 
scene of the late outrage, he concluded we 
might be safe. We accordingly proceeded for 
Soosoo river, which we had scarcely entered 
when Po Adam's confidence again forsook him, 
and he advised us not to land. We therefore 
only filled a keg with water from the river and 
came oat over the bar, intending to make the 
best of our way to Muckie, having more confi- 
dence, after all, in the elements, than in the 
treacherous specimens of humanity with which 
we were then surrounded. 

The night now came on dark and lowering, 
and just as we had left Soosoo river, the iand 
wind, which had been some time retarded by a 
strong sea breeze, accompanied with heavy 
thunder and torrents of rain, overtook us, and 
came pelting down upon our unprotected 
heads. Sharp flashes of lightning occasionally 
shot across the 1 gloom, which rendered the 
scene still more fearful. We double manned 
two of the oars with Mr. Barry and Po Adam, 
and I did the best I could to keep the boat's 
head down the coast, it being impossible to 
see any object on shore, or even to hear the 
surf, by which we could judge our distan 


from it. Having proceeded in this way until 
we began to think ourselves near North Talla- 
pow, olf which was a dangerous shoal, it be- 
came a matter of concern how we should keep 
clear of it. We frequently laid upon our oars 
and listened^ to ascertain if we could hear it 
break, but the noise of the elements rendered 
it impossible. Directly we felt the boat lifted 
upon a high wave, which we knew immedi- 
ately must be the roller upon this shoal, which 
passing} broke with a fearful crash some three 
or four hundred feet from us. It is almost 
unnecessary to say, had we been that distance 
nearer the shore, it would have been the last 
known of the Friendship's boat's crew, as the 
boat would undoubtedly have been dashed to 
pieces on theshoal s and all on board her must 
have perished. But through the kind protec- 
tion of an all- merciful God, we were preserved 
from such a fate. 

Having thus providentially passed this dan- 
gerous spot in safety, the weather began to 
clear a little, and here and there a star made 
its appearance, and looked compassionately 
down upon us. The offshore wind, too, be- 
came more steady and the rain ceased. To 
clear the boat ot the quantity of water which 
had rained into her, now occupied our first 
attention, which, however, we found a slow 
and tedious process, as we had nothing larger 
than a tin pot to bail with. We also com- 
menced ripping up some gunny bags which 
were left in the boat, and tying them together 
for a sail, under which we found the boat 
bounded along quite briskly ; we therefore 
laid in our ours> all hands being now quite 
exhausted, and proceeded in this way the rest 
of the distance to Muckie, where we arrived 
at about 1 o'clock, A. M. We found here the 
ship James Monroe, Porter, of New York, brig 
Gov. Endicott, Jenks, of Salem, and brig 
Palmer, Powers, of Boston. On approaching 
the roads* we were first hailed from the Gov. 
Endicott, and to the question "What boat is 
that?" the response was, "the Friendship's, 
from Qualah Battoo," which answer was im- 
mediately followed with the question "Is that 

you, Capt. Endicott?" "Yes,'' was the an- 
swer, "with all that are left of us." It was 
but the work of a moment to clamber up her 
sides on to her decks, where we were instantly 
surrounded with captain, officers and crew, all 
anxious to learn the particulars of our sad 
misfortune. We could tell them only of our 
own adventures ; the circumstances of the cap- 
ture of the ship, and the massacre of part of 
her crew, were to be hereafter revealed. 

Having communicated with the other ves- 
sels, their commanders repaired on board the 
Gov. Endicott, when it was instantly conclud- 
ed to proceed with their vessels to Qualah Bat- 
too, and endeavor to recover the ship. These 
vessels were laying with most of their sails un- 
bent, but their decks were quickly all life and 
animation, and the work of bending sails pro- 
ceeded so rapidly that before 3 o'clock all the 
vessels were out of the roads and heading up 
the coast towards Qualah Battoo. Both the 
land and sea breeze were light throughout the 
day, and it was not until about the middle of 
the afternoon that we sighted the ship. Ev- 
ery arrangement was now made for her cap- 
ture. It was our intention to throw as many 
of the crews of the Gov. Endicott and Palmer 
as could be prudently spared, on board the 
James Monroe, being the largest vessel, and 
proceed with her directly into the roads, and 
lay her alongside the Friendship, and carry 
her by boarding, — the other vessels following 
at a short distance. But as soon as we had 
completed all our arrangements, and while we 
were yet several miles outside the port, the 
sea breeze began to fail us, with indications 
that the land wind, like that of the day before, 
would be accompanied with heavy rain. We 
however stood on towards the place until the 
offshore wind and rain reached us, when all 
three vessels were obliged to anchor, and sus- 
pend further operations until the next morn- 
ing. Before dark 1 had taken the bearings of 
the ship by compass, intending, if circumstan- 
ces favored it, to propose a descent upon her 
during the night ; but the heavy rain contin- 
ued the most part of it, and we were baffled 


in that design. The first indications of day- 
light found us upon the decks of the Monroe, 
watching for the ship, which, in the yet in- 
distinct light, could not be discerned in the 
roads. The horizon in the offing was also 
searched unsuccessfully with our glasses ; but 
as objects became more distinct we at last dis- 
covered her close in shore, far to the westward 
of her late anchorage, inside a large cluster of 
dangerous shoals, to which position, as it then 
appeared, the Malays must have removed her 
during the night. What 1 now most appre- 
hended was that they had got her upon one of 
the reefs, and if so, her recapture would have 
been useless : but when the day had sufficient- 
ly advanced to enable us with our glasses to 
make a careful examination of her position, to 
our great relief we ascertained this was not 
the case. One thing was however, certain, we 
could not carry out our original design of run- 
ning her alongside in her present situation ; 
the navigation would be too dangerous for 
either of the ships, and must therefore be 
abandoned. At this moment we saw a Prou, 
or Malay trading craft, approaching the roads 
from the westward, with which I communica- 
ted, and of which I hired a canoe, and sent a 
messenger on shore to inform the Rajahs if 
they would give the ship up peaceably to us 
wo would not molest them, otherwise we 
should fire both upon her and the town. This 
was considered the most advisable course ; all 
the fleet being in pursuit of cargoes, some ap- 
prehensions began to be entertained lest hos- 
tilities should be the means of breaking up 
their voyages, or at least vitiating their insur- 
ance. After waiting considerable time for the 
return of the messenger, during which we 
could see boats passing close in shore from 
the ship loaded with plunder, we concluded 
this delay was only a subterfuge to gain far- 
ther time lor that purpose, and we fired a gun 
across the bows of one of them, which arrested 
her progress. In a few minutes the canoe 
which wo had sent on shore was seen putting 
off. The answer received, however, was one 

of defiance, — "that they should not give her 
up so easily, but we might take her if we 
could." All three vessels then opened their 
fires upon the town and ship, which was re- 
turned by the forts on shore, the Malays also 
firing our ship's guns at us. The first shot 
from one of the forts passed between the masts 
of the Gov. Endicott, not 10 feet above the 
heads of the crew, and the second struck the 
water just under her counter. This vessel had 
been kedged in close to the shore within point 
blank shot of the fort, with springs upon her 
cable, determined on making every gun tell. 
The spirited manner in which their fire was 
returned soon silenced this fort, which mount- 
ed 6 six-pounders and several small brass 
pieces. It appeared afterward, by the testi- 
mony of one of my crew, who was confined 
here, that the firing was so effectual that it 
dismounted their guns and split the car- 
riages. The other two forts, which were sit- 
uated at a greater distance from the beach, 
continued firing, and no progress was made 
towards recapturing the ship, which, after all, 
was our only object.- It was now between 3 
and 4 o'clock ; and the land wind began to 
make demonstrations of another rainy night, 
and it was certain if the Malays were allowed 
to hold possession of the ship much longer, 
they would either get her on shore, or burn 
her. We then held a council of war on board 
the Monroe, and concluded to hoard her with 
as large a force as we could carry in three 
boats ; and that the command of theexped'tion 
should of course devolve upon me. Justatjthis 
juncture the ship ceased firing, and we ob- 
served a column of smoke rise from her decks 
abreast the mainmast, and that there ap- 
peared to be great confusion on board. We 
subsequently ascertained that they blew them- 
selves up by setting fire to an open keg of pow- 
der, from which they were loading the guns, 
after having expended all the cartridges. Ev- 
erything being in readiness for our expedition, 
we pushed off. The ship lay with her port 
side towards us, and, with the intention of 


getting out of the range of her guns, pulled to 
the westward at an angle of some 33 deg., un- 
til we opened her starboard bow, when we 
bore up in three divisions for boarding, one at 
each gangway, and the other over the bows. 
We were now before the wind, and two oars 
in each boat were sufficient to propel them ; 
the rest of the crew, armed to the teeth with 
muskets, cutlasses and pistols, sat quietly in 
their places, with their muskets pointed at the 
ship as the boats approached. The Malays 
now, for the firot time, seemed to comprehend 
our design, and as we neared the ship, were 
struck with consternation, and commenced 
deserting her with ail possible dispatch, and 
in the greatest confusion. The Eumerous 
boats of all descriptions, alongside, were im- i 
mediately filled, and those who could find no 
other means of conveyance, jumped overboard 
and swam for the shore. The beach was con- 
sequently lined with boats, and the Malays 
took to ihe jungle with the greatest precipita- 
tion, so that when we reached the ship, there 
was, to all appearance, no one on board. Still 
fearing some treachery, we approached her 
with the same caution, and boarded her, cut- 
lass in hand, in the same order we should have 
done had we known her to be full of men. — 
Having reached her decks, and finding them 
deserted, before we laid aside our arms a strict 
search was instituted throughout- the ship, 
with instructions to cut down any who should 
be found, and give no quarter. But she was 
completely forsaken,— -not a soul on board. 
Her appearance, at the time we boarded her, 
defies description; suffice it to say, every part of 
her bore ample testimony of the scene of violence 
and destruction with which she had been vis- 
ited. That many lives had been sacrificed, 
her blood-stained decks abundantly testified. 
We found her within pistol-shot of the beach, 
with most of her sails cut loose, and flying 
from the yards. Why they had not succeeded 
in their attempts to get her on shore, was soon 
apparent. A riding turn in the chain around 
the windlass, which they were not sailors e- 
nough to clear, had no doubt prevented it. 


There had been evidently a fruitless attempt 
to cut it off. While wo were clearing the 
chain, and preparing to kedge the ship off 
into the roads, the Malays, still bent upon an- 
noying U3, and unwilling to abandon their 
prize, were seen drawing a gun over the sandy 
beach upon a drag, directly under our stern, 
which, having fired, it jumped off the carriage 
and was abandoned. The rain, with t!:3 land 
wind, now set in again ; it was, however, the 
work of but a short time to kedo;e the ship off 
into deep water, and anchor her in compara- 
tive security alongside the other ships in the 

The next morning a canoe was seen ap- 
proaching the James Monroe, from Pulo Kid, 
with five or six men in her, whom we took, as 
a matter of course, to be natives; but we were 
soon hailed from that chip, and informed that 
four of the number were a part of our own 
crew, I proceeded immediately on board and 
found them to be Wm. Parnell, John Muzzey, 
Algernon Warren, seamen, and Wm. Bray, 
carpenter. Their haggard and squalid appear- 
ance bespoke what they had suffered. It 
would seem impossible that in the space of 
four days, men could, by any casualty, so en- 
tirely lose their identity. They bore no sem- 
blance to their former selves, and it was only 
by asking their names that I knovv either of 
them. They were without clothing, other 
than loose pieces of cotton cloth thrown over 
their persons, their hair matted, their bodies 
crisped and burnt in large, running blisters, 
besides having been nearly devoured by mus- 
quitoc, the poison of whose stings had left evi- 
dent traces of its virulence ; their flesh wasted 
away, and even the very tones of their voices 
were changed. It is no exaggeration to say 
their appearance forcibly reminded me of the 
print of Oapt. Riley and his men, at their 
first interview with Mr. Willshire, under the 
palace walls, near Mogadore, The few pieces 
of cloth, which covered their nakedness, being 
all their flesh could bear, and these it was nec- 
essary first to oil, to enable them to do even 
that. They had been wandering about in the 


jungle without food ever since the ship was 
taken, and the story of their sufferings was a 
painful one. Their account of the capture of 
the ship was as follows: — When the pepper- 
boat came alongside, it was observed by the 
crew that all on board her were strangers, and 
not one was recognized as having been off to 
the e!i t j» before. They were also better dressed 
than boatmen generally, all of them having on 
white or yellow jackets, and new ivory-han- 
dled creises. No notice appeared to be taken 
of these suspicious circumstances by the mate, 
and all except two men, who were left to pass 
up pepper, were admitted indiscriminately to 
come on board. One of the crew, .named Wm. 
Parnell, who was stationed at the gangway to 
pass along pepper, made some remark, to call 
his attention to the number of natives od 
board, and was answered in a gruffy manner, 
and asked if he wa3 afraid. No, replied the man, 
not afraid ; but I know it to be contrary to the 
regulations of the ship. He was ordered, with 
an oath, to pass along pepper, and mind his own 
business. The natives were also seen by the 
crew sharpening their creises upon the grind- 
stone, which stood upon the forecastle, and a 
man named Chester, who was subsequently 
killed while starting pepper down the fore- 
hatch, asked them in pantomime, for he could 
not speak the language, what so many of them 
wanted on board, and was answered in the 
same way, that they came off to see the ship, 
lie was heard by one of the crew to say, "we 
must look out you do not come for anything 
worse," at the same time drawing a handspike 
within his reach. The Malays had dis- 
tributed themselves about the decks in the 
most advantageous manner for an attack, and 
at some preconcerted signal a simultaneous 
assault upon the crew was made in every part 
of the ship. Two Malaya were seen by the 
■toward to rush with their creises upon Mr. 
Knight, who was very badly stabbed in the 
back and side, the weapons appearing to be 
buried in his body, up to their very hilts. — 
Chester, at the fore hatch, notwithstanding 
hia distrust and precaution, was killed out- 

right, and supposed to have fallen into the 
hold. The steward, at the galley, was also 
badly wounded, and was only saved from 
death by the creis striking hard against a 
short rib, which took the force of the blow. 
Of the two nea on the stage over the ship's 
side, one was killed, and the other so badly 
wounded as to be made a cripple for life. The 
chief officer was seen, after he was stabbed, to 
rush aft upon the starboard side of the quar- 
ter deck, and endeavor to get a boarding pike 
out of the beckets, abreast the mizzen rigging, 
where he was met by Parnell, to whom he ex- 
claicaedj ' do your duty;"' at the same instant 
two or three Malays rushed upon him, and he 
was afterwards seen lying dead near the same 
spot, with the boarding pike under him. On 
the instant the crew found the ship attacked^ 
they attempted to get aft into the cabin for 
arms, but the Malays had placed a guard on 
each side of the companion-way, which pre- 
vented them ; they then rushed forward for 
handspikes, and were again intercepted ; and 
being completely bewildered, surprised and 
defenceless, and knowing that several of their 
shipmates had already been killed outright be- 
fore their eyes, and others wounded, all who 
could swim plunged overboard, and the others 
took to the rigging, or crept over the bowa 
out of sight. The decks were now cleared, 
and the pirates had full possession of the ship. 
The men in the water then consulted to- 
gether what they should do, concluding it cer- 
tain death to return to the ship ; and they de-^ 
termined it would be the safest to swim on 
shore, and secrete themselves in the jungle; — 
but as they approached it they observed the 
beach about Qualah Battoo lined with natives, 
and they proceeded more to the westward, and 
landed upon a point called Ouj'ong Lamah 
Moodah, nearly two miles distant from the 
ship. On their way they had divested them- 
selves of every article of clothing, and they 
were entirely naked at the time they landed. 
As it was not yet dark, they sought safety and 
seclusion in the jungle, from whence they 
emerged as soon as they thought it eafe, and 


talked upon the beach in the direction of 
Cape Felix and Annala'ooo, intending to make 
the best of their way to the latter place, with 
the hope of meeting there some American ves- 
sel, on board which they would find shelter 
and protection. At the approach of daylight 
they sought a hiding-place again in the bush- 
es ; but it afforded them only a partial pro- 
tection from the scorching rays of the sun, 
from which, being entirely naked, they expe- 
rienced the most dreadful effects. Hunger 
and thirst began also to make demands upon 
them ; tut no food could anywhere be found. 
They tried to eat grass, but iheir stomachs re- 
fused it. They found a few husks of the jo- 
coanut, which they chewed, endeavoring to 
extract some nourishment from them, but in 
vain. They staid in their hidiapj-place the 
whole of this day, and saw Malays passing 
along the beach, but were afraid to discover 
themselves. At night they pursued their jour- 
ney again, during which they pas?ed several 
small streams, where they slaked their thirst, 
but obtained no food. About midnight they 
came to a very broad river, which they did not 
venture to cross. The current was very rap- 
id, and they had no means of conveyance oth- 
er than their own limbs, and having been 36 
hours without food of any kind, they did not 
dare attempt it. This river I have always 
supposed to be Qualah Toepah, about midway 
between Cape Felix and Annalaboo. Here, 
then, they were put completely hors de com- 
bat ; they found for want of food their ener- 
gies were fast giving way, and still they be- 
lieved their lives depended on not being discov- 
ered. I have since been struck with the re- 
marks of Dr. Kane, on the effects of a want 
of food, which are so much like the account 
given by my men, that I cannot refrain from 
inserting it. "The first symptom," says he, 
does not show itself in hunger, but in a loss of 
power often so imperceptibly brought on that 
it becomes evident only by an accident," — 
Such, for instance, as the inability felt to cross 
this river. Since further progress towards 
Annalaboo appeared impossible, they resolved 

to retrace their steps, endeavor to pass Qualah 
Battoo in the night, without being discovered, 
and reach the hospitable residence of Po Ad- 
am, at Pulo Kio. They accordingly took up 
their line of march towards that place, im- 
mediately, and reached, as they supposed, the 
neighborhood of Capo Felix by the morning, 
when they again retreated to cho jungle, where 
they lay concealed another day, being Wednes- 
day, the day of the recapture of the ship, but 
at too great distance to hear the firing. At 
n''ght they again resumed their journey, and 
having reached the spot where the Malays 
landed in eo much haste when they deserted 
the ship, they found the beach covered with 
canoeo, a circumstance which aroused their 
suspicions, but for which they were at a loss 
to account. They now concluded each to take 
a canoe, as the most certain way of passing 
Qualah Battoo without discovery, and so pro- 
ceed to Pulo Kio. As they passed the roads, 
they heard one of the ship's bells strike the 
hour, atid the well-known cry of "All's well," 
but fearing it was some decoy of the natives, 
they would not approach her, but proceeded 
on their way, and landed at Pulo Kio, secreting 
themselves once more in the jungle, near the 
residence of Po Adam, until the morning, 
when four naked and half-famiehed white men 
were seen to emerge from the bushes, and ap- 
proach his fort with feeble steps, who, as soon 
as recognized, were welcomed by him with the 
strongest demonstrations of delight ; slapping 
his hands 5 ehcuting at the top of his lungs, 
and in the exuberance of his joy committing 
all kinds of extravagances. They now heard 
of the recapture of the ship, and the escape o! 
the boat's crew on shore, which it had never 
occurred to them were not already numbered 
with the dead. They were clothed as we have 
described, and a breakfast of boiled rice pre- 
pared, being the first food that they had tasted 
for the period of 72 hours. Having refreshed 
themselves, they were conveyed by Adam and 
his men on board the James Munroe, in the 
pitiful condition of which we have before spo- 


In the course of the latter part of the same 
day, another canoe, with a white flag dis- 
played, was observed approaching the fleet 
from the direction of Qualah Battoo, contain- 
ing three or four Chinamen, who informed us 
that fjur of our men, two of whom were 
wounded, one very severely, were at their 
houses on shore, where their wounds had been 
dressed, and they had been otherwise cared 
for ; and that we could ransom them of the 
Rajahs at ten dollars each. To this I readily 
agreed, and they were scon brought off to the 
ship in a sampan, and proved to be Charles 
Converse andGregorie Pedechio, teamen, Loren- 
zo Migell,cook, and William Francis, steward. 
Converse was laid out at full length upon a 
board, as if dead,— evidently very badly wound- 
ed. The story of the poor fellow was a sad one. 
He, with John DaviG, fceiug the two tallest 
men in the ship, were on the stage ever the 
Bide when she was attached. Their firat im- 
pulse was, to gain the ship's decks, but were 
defeated in this design by the pirates, who 
stood guard over the gangway, and making 
ted thrusts at them. They then made a 
desperate attempt to pass over the pepper-boat, 
and thus gain the water, in doing which they 
were both most severely wounded. Having 
reached the water, Converse swam round to 
the ship's bows, and grasped the chain, to 
which ho clung U3 well as he was able, 
being badly crippled in one o r his 
hands, with other severe wounds in various 
parts of his body. When it became dark, he 
trawled up over the bows . hie exhaus- 

ted strength from the loss of blood would per- 
mit, and crept to the foot of the forecastle 
stairs, where he supposed he must have faint- 
ed, and fell prostrate upon the floor without 
the power of moving himself one inch further. 
The .Malays believing him dead, took no heed 
of him, but travelled up and down over his bo- 
dy the whole night. Upon attempting to pass 
over the boat, alter being foiled in his endeav- 
or to reach the ship's decks, a native made a 
pass at his head with hi8"jMBT«n ( y," a weapon 

resembling most a butcher's cleaver, which he 
warded off by throwing up his naked arm, and 
the force of the blow fell upon the outer part 
of his hand, severing all the bones and sin- 
ews belonging to three of his fingers, and leav- 
ing untouched only the fore finger and 
thumb. Besides this he received a creis wound 
in the back, which must have penetrated to the 
stomach, from whence he bled from his mouth 
the most part of she night- He was likewise 
very badly wounded in the ham just below the 
groin, which came so nearly through the leg 
as to discolor the flesh upon the inside. Won- 
derful, however, to relate, notwithstanding the 
want of proper medical advice, and with noth- 
ing but the unskillful treatment of 3 or 4 ship 
masters, the thermometer ranging all the time, 
from 85 to 90 deg., this man recovered from 
his wounds, but in his crippled hand, he car- 
ried the marks of Malay perfidy to his watery 
grave, having been drowned at sea from on 
board of the brig Fair American, in the win- 
ter of 1833-4, which was, no doubt, occa- 
sioned by this wound, which unfitted him for 
holding on properly while alofc. 

The fate of his companion Davis, was a 
tragical one. He could not swim, and after 
reaching the water was seen to struggle hard 
to gain the boat's tackle fall at the stern, to 
which he clung until the Malays dropped the 
pepper boat astern, when he was observed ap- 
parently imploring mercy at their hands, 
which the wretches did not heed, but butcher- 
ed him upon the spot. Gregory was the man 
seen aloft when we had cleared the river, cut- 
ting strange antics which we did not at the 
time comprehend. By his account, when he 
readied the fore topgallant yard, the pirates 
commenced firing the ship's muskets at him, 
which he dodged by getting over the front side 
of the yard and sail and down upon the collar 
of the stay, and then reversing the movement. 
John Masury related that after being wound- 
ed in the side, he crept over the bows of the 
ship and down upon an anchor, where he was 
sometime employed in dodging the thrusts of 


a boarding pike in the hands of a Malay, un- 
til the arrival of a reinforcement from the 
shore, when every one fearing lest he should 
not get his full share of plunder, ceased fur- 
ther to molest the wounded. The story of the 
steward has already been told. 

The ship, the first night after her capture, 
according to the testimony of these men, was 
a perfect pandemonium, and a Babel of the 
most discordant sounds. The ceaseless moan- 
ing of the surf upon the adjacent shore, the 
heavy peals of thunder, and sharp flashings of 
lightning directly over their heads,— the sigh- 
ing of the wind in wild discords through the 
rkm;ina\ like 4he wailings of woe from the 
manes of their murdered shipmates ; and all 
this intermingled with the more earthly sounds 
of the squealing of pigs, the screeching of 
fowls, the cackling of roosters, the unintelligi- 
ble jargon of the natives, jangling and vocifer- 
ating, with horrible laughter, shouts and yells, 
in every part of her, and in the boats along- 
side carrying off plunder ; their black figures 
unexpectedly darting forth from every unseen 
quarter, us if rising up and again disappearing 
through the decks, and gambolling about in the 
dark, so like a saturnalia of demons, that it 
was easy to fancy the fuin°s of sulphur were 
actually invading their olfactories, and the 
whole scene more fully realized their ideas of 
the infernal regions, than any thing with which 
their imaginations could compare it. It is 
the general impression that Malays, being 
Mussulmen, have a holy horror of swine, as 
unclean animals ; the very touch of which 
imposes many ablutions, and abstaining from 
food for several days together, — but, accord- 
ing to the testimony of my men, it was per- 
fectly marvellous how they handled, that night, 
those on board our ship, — going into their 
pens, seizing, struggling, and actually embra- 
cing them, until they succeeded in throwing 
every one overboard. 

The morning succeeding her capture, affairs 
on board appeared to be getting to be a little 
more settled, when several Chinamen came off 
and performed the part of good Samaritans, 

in taking the wounded men on shore to their 
houses, and dressing their wounds with some 
simple remedies, which at least kupt down in- 
flammation. In doing this, however, they 
wire obliged to barricade their dwellings, to 
guard them against the insulting annoyances? 
of the natives. 

Qualah Battoo bazar that day presented a lu- 
dicrous spectacle. Almost every Malay was 
decked out in a white, blue, red, checked, or 
striped shirt, or some other European ar- 
ticle of dress or manufacture, stolen from 
the ship, not even excepting the woolen table 
cloth belonging to the cabin, which was seen 
displayed over the shoulders of a native, — all 
seemingly quite proud of their appearance, 
and strutting about with a solemn gravity 
and oriental self-complacency, that was per- 
fectly ludicrous. Their novel and grotesque 
appearance could not fail 10 suggest the idea 
that a tribe of monkeys had made a descent up- 
on some unfortunate clothing establishment, 
and each to have seized and carried off what- 
ever article of dress was most suited to his 
taste and fancy. 

According to Gregory, who, not being 
wounded, remained on board, the ship was all 
day filled with Malays searching into every 
possible nook and cranny where they thought 
money might be secreted, and ca*rying off the 
veriest trifles which could be of no use to them. 
In the afternoon, on the appearance of the 
fleet from Muckie, they were determined on 
running her ashore, lest she should be re-tak- 
en, and with that view commenced weighing 
anchor, and everything for some time gave as- 
surances of the fulfilment of their wishes. — 
The ship was already driving towards the 
beach, when the anchor came in sight, and 
they let go the chain, ceased heaving at the 
windlass, and made a rush forward to see it. 
At this moment the weight of the anchor 
caused the chain to commence running out 
with great velocity, and when some 12 or 13 
fathoms had thus disappeared, it jumped, and 
caught a riding turn around the windlass, 
which brought it to a stand. Poor Gregory 


Was now brought forward to clear it, — but ho 
persisted it was past his skill, which of 
course they did not believe, and tied him in 
the rigging, and made demonstrations of rip- 
ping him open, nourishing their knives in fear- 
ful proximity about his person in a state of 
great exasperation. They next made a fruit- 
tttempt to cut it off with the cook's axe. 
Thus matters stood, when the land wind with 
h avy rain set in, and the natives sought shel- 
ter in the cabin, leaving the ship to her fate, 
and she drifted to the westward into shoal wa- 
ter, where t\\o anchor again took hold and 
brought her up in the place we discovered her 
the next morning, and where we boarded and 
took possession of her. Gregory w r as then ta- 
ken on shore, and confined in the fort, which 
was silenced by the Gov. Endicott. 

The ship was now once more in our posses- 
sion, with what remained of her cargo and 
crew. She was rifled of almost every movable 
article on board, and scarcely anything but her 
pepper remaining. Of our outward cargo ev- 
ery dollar of specie, and every pound of opium 
had of course become a prey to them. All her 
spare sails and rigging were gone — not a nee- 
dle or ball of twine, palm, marling spike, or 
piece of rope were left ! All our charts, chro- 
nometers and other nautical instruments — all 
our clothing and bedding, were also gone ; as 
well as our cabin furniture and small stores of 
every description. Our ship's provisions, such 
as beef, pork and most of our bread, had, how- 
ever, been spared. Of our armament nothing 
but the large guns remained. Every pistol, 
musket, cutlass, and boarding pike, with our 
entire stock of powder, had been taken. 

With assistance from the other vessels we 
immediately began making the necessary prep- 
arations to leave the port with all possible dis- 
patch, but owing to much rainy weather we 
did not accomplish it for three days after re- 
capturing the ship, when we finally succeeded 
in leaving the place in company with the fleet 
bound for South Tallapow, where we arrived 
on the 14th February. When we landed at 
this place with the other masters and super- 

cargoes, we w r ere followed through the streets 
of the bazar by the natives in great crowds, 
exulting and hooting, with exclamations simi- 
lar to these,— "Who great man now, Malay 
or American?" "How many man American 
dead?" "How many man Malay dead?"' 

We now commenced in good earnest to pre- 
pare our ship for sea. Our voyage had been brok- 
en up, and there was nothing left for us but to 
return to the United States. We finally left 
Muckie, whither we had already proceeded, 
on the 27th February, for Pulo Kio, accom- 
panied by ship Delphos, Capt. James D. Gil- 
lis, and the Gov. Endicott, Capt. Jenks, where 
I was jet in hopes to recover some of my nautical 
instruments. With the assistance of Po Adam, 
I succeeded in obtaining, for a moderate sum, 
my sextant and one of my chronometers, which 
enabled me to navigate the ship. We sailed 
from Pulo Kio on the 4th of March, and ar- 
rived at Salem on the 16th of July. The in- 
tense interest and excitement caused by our 
arrival may still be remembered. It being 
nearly calm, as we approached the harbor, we 
were boarded several miles outside by crowds 
of people, all anxious to learn the most minute 
particulars of our sad misfortune, the news of 
which had preceded us by the arrival of a 
China ship at New York, which we had met 
at St. Helena. The curiosity of some of our 
visitors was so great that they would not be 
satisfied until they knew the exact spot where 
every man stood, who was either killed or 
wounded. Even the casing of the cabin, so 
much cut up in search of money, or other val- 
uables, was an object of the greatest interest. 

But the feeling of presumptuous exultation 
and proud defiance exhibited by the natives, 
was of brief duration. The avenger was at 
hand. In something less than a year after 
this outrage, the U. S. Frigate, Potomac, Com,; 
Downes, appeared off the port of Qualah Bat- 
too, and anchored in the outer roads, disguised 
as a merchantman. Every boat which visited 
her from the shore was detained, that her char- 
acter might not be made known to the natives^ 
Several amusing anecdotes were told, of the 1 


fear and terror exhibited in the countenances 
of* the native?, when they so unexpectedly 
found themselves imprisoned within the wood- 
en walls of the Potomac, surrounded by such a 
formidable armament, which bespoke the er- 
rand that had attracted her to their shores. 
They prostrated themselves at full length upon 
her decks, trembling in the most violent man- 
ner, arid appearing to think nothing but cer- 
tain death awaited them — which it required 
all the efforts of the officers to dispel. 

A reconnoitering party was first sent on 
shore, professedly for the purpose of traffic. — 
But when they approached, the natives came 
down to the beach in such numbers, it excited 
their suspicions that her character and errand 
had somehow preceded her, and it was consid- 
ered prudent not to land. Having, therefore, 
examined the situation of the forts and the 
means of defence, they returned to the frigate. 
The same night some 300 men, under the gui- 
dance of Mr, Barry, the former 2d officer of 
the Friendship, who was assistant sailing-mas- 
ter of the frigate, landed to the westward of 
the place, with the indention of surprising the 
Forts and the town, but by some unaccounta- 
ble delay, the morning; was just breaking when 
the detachment had effected a landing, and as 
they were marching along the beach towards 
the nearest fort, a Malay came out of it, by 
whom they were discovered, and an alarm giv- 
en. They however pushed on, and captured 
the forts by storm, after some hard fighting, 
and set fire to the town, which was burnt to 
ashes. The natives, not even excepting the 
women, fought with great desperation in the 
forts, many of whom would not yield until 
shot down or sabred on the spot. The next 
day the frigate was dropped in within gun- 
shot, and bombai'ded the place, to impress 
them with the power and ability of the United 
States to avenge any act of piracy, or oth- 
er indignity offered by them to her flag. — 
When I visited the coast again, some five 
months after this event, I found the deport- 
ment of the natives materially changed. There 
Was now no longer exhibited either arrogance 

or proud defiance. All appeared impressed 
with the irresistible power of a nation that 
could send such tremendous engines of war as 
the Potomac frigate upon their shores, to 
avenge any wrongs committed upon its vessels ; 
and that it would in future be better policy 
for them to attend to their pepper plantations, 
and cultivate the arts of peace, than subject 
themselves to such severe retribution as had 
followed this act of piracy upon the Friend- 

Perhaps, injustice to Po Adam, I ought to 
remark, before closing, that the account cir- 
culated by his countrymen of his conniving at, 
if not being actually connected with this pi- 
racy, a falsehood with which they found the 
means of deceiving several American Ship- 
Masters, soon after the affair, is a base calum- 
ny against a worthy man, and has no founda- 
tion whatever in truth. The property he had 
in my possession on board the ship, in gold 
ornaments of various kinds, besides money, 
amounting to several thousand dollars, all of 
which he lost by the capture of the ship, and 
never recovered, bears ample testimony to the 
falsity of this charge. His countrymen also 
worked upon the avarice and cupidity of the 
king by misrepresentations of his exertions to 
recover the ship, thereby preventing them from 
making him a present of her, which they pre- 
tended was their intention. His sable majesty, 
in consequence, absolved every one of his debt- 
ors, ail along the coast, from paying him their 
debts. He also confiscated all his property 
he could find, such as fishing-boats, nets and 
lines, and other fishing tackle, and appropri- 
ated the proceeds to his own use, so that ho 
was at once reduced to penury. All this was 
in accordance with Commodore Bieulieu's ac- 
count, already cited, upwards of two hundred 
years before, viz : "If they even suspect that 
any one bears them an ill will, they endeavor 
to ruin him by false accusations." The king 
also sent a small schooner down the coast, 
soon after, to reap further vengeance upon Po 
Adam. Arriving at Pulo Kio, while Adam 
was absent, they rifled his fort of everything 


talaable, unci oven took the ornaments, such 
as armlets and anklets, off the person of his 
wJfe. Intelligence having been conveyed to 
i v Adam ol tbis outrage, he arrive 1 home in 
the night before the schooner had lett Ihe har- 
bor, and incensed, as it was natural he should 
be, at s base and cowardl treatment, he 
immediately ope""d a fire upon her and sunk 
her in nine fee* jf water. She was after" 
rvards fished up by the Potcmio r rigate, and 
converted into lire-wood. 

AVe do not know if Po Adam is now living, 
hut Bcme sixteen years since, we saw a letter 
from him to one of our eminent merchants,* 
asking lor assistance from our citizens, and 
stating truthfully all the facts in his case. I 
endeavored at the time, through our then rep- 
resentative to Congress, to bring the matter 
before that body, but from some cause it did 
not succeed, and the poor fellow has been al- 
lowed to live, if not to die, in his penury. We 
will, however, permit him to state his own 
case, in his own language, which he does in 
the following letter, written at his own dicta- 
tion : — 

Qualah Battoo, 7th October, 1841. 

Some years have passed since the capture of 
the Friendship, commanded by my oh 1 r **iend, 
Cupt. Endicott. 

It perhaps is not known to you, that, by 
saving the life of Cupt. Endicott, and the ship 
itself from destruction, I became, in conse- 
quence, a victim to the hatred and vengeance 
of my misguided countrymen ; sometime since. 
the last of my property was set on tire and 
destroyed, and now, tor having been the stead- 
fast friend of Americans, I am not only desti- 
tute, but an object of derision to my country 

You, who are so wealthy and so prosperous, 
I have thought, that, if acquainted with these 
distressing circumstances, that you would not 
turn a deaf ear to my present condition. 

1 address myself to you, because through 
my agency many of your ships have obtained 
cargoes, but I respectfully beg that you will 
have the kindness to state my case to the rich 
pepper merchants of Salem and Boston, firmly 
believing that from their generosity, and your 

*To Joseph Peabodv, Esq., of S&letn, Masb. 

own, I ehall not have reason to regret the 
warm and sincere friendship ever displayed 
towardr your Captains, and all other Ameri- 
cans. tiu,ding on this Coast. 

I fake the liberty, also, to subjoin a copy of 
a letter,* recently received from Capt. Ham- 
mond, of the ship Maria, of New York ; as he 
left this place lately, it will sho" ' whether I 
have been telling you otherwise than the mel- 
ancholy truth, or grieve without a cause. 

Wishing you, Sir, and your old compan- 
ions in the Sumatra trade, and their Captains, 
health and prosperity, and trusting that, be- 
fore many moons 1 snail, through your assis- 
tance, be released from my present wretched 
condition, believe me very respectfully, 
Your faithful servant, 

(signed) PO ADAM, in Arabic characters. 

Copy of the letter from Capt. Hammond 
above referred to : 

Soosoo, 21 July, 1841. 
To the Commander of any U. S. Ship &f War, 

touching on the West Coast of Sumatra : 

This may certify that the bearer, Po Adam, 
at present residing at Qualah Battoo, has ap- 
plied to Die to write this statement of his situ- 
ation, that he can present it as above. 

I therefore state the following : I have been 
acquainted with him for the last twenty-five 
yea.o, pnd have known him in prosperity and 
in adversity the same. It is well known that 
he was the principal means of saving the life 
of Capt. Charles M. Endicott, with his boat's 
crew, at the time that they captured the 
Friendship, of Salem, and by that act he has 
1 lost his prop. sty. and incurred the hatred and 
jealousy ol the Acl e< nise. He is the most in- 
telligent man among them, and one of the best 
pilots; is ever ready to render assistance to 
any American, and as he is at present very 
destitute, it would be an act of charity, as 
well as duty, il the American Government 
would assist him in his present circumstances. 

He wishes to proceed to the Uuited States 
to visit his ids, and wishes to go in 

some Ship of War, oi our nation, i hope his 
,\ted, as he would there 
f]..u influencial men to represent his case to 
the Gov* i ■! the United States. 

(signed,) JOHN HAMMOND, 

Master of the Bhip Maria, of New York, and a 
resident oi' Salem. 






John Attwater, sonne of Mr. Jno. Attwa- 
ter, borne by Mehittabell his wife, 20th day of 
December, 1G87.— sone Francis borne 2d Oc- 
tober, 1690. 

Jno. Adams— his daughter Elizabeth, borne 
by Sarah his wife, the 20th Octobor, 1682. — 
his daughter Sarah borne 13th October, 1684. 
Mary born 15 February, 1687.— John born 
March 16, 1680— Margarett Borne March the 
8th, 1695-6.— 1st daughtY, Margarett, Borne 
Feb'y 11, 1692, & deceased May 14th 1694. 

Ebenez'r Abby, son of Samuel Abby & 
Mary, his wife, was borne at Salem Village 
July the 31st, 1683, cue. Marcy Abby, 
daughter as abovesaid, was borne the first or 
March, 1684-5, cue. — Sarah Abby, daughter 
as abovesd, was born July 4th, 16 — . Hepsi- 
bah Abby, Daughter as abovesd, was born 
February' 14th 1688-9.— Abigail Abby, 
Daughter as abovesd. was born November 19th 
1690. — John Abby, son, as abovesd, was born 
June 4th, 1692. — Benj'n Abby, sou as abovesd, 
was born the 4th of June, 1694. 

Saiah Archer, daughter of Stephen Archer 
& Sarah his wife, born at Salem, 24 June, 

Phillip Attwood & Sarah Tenney, (now of 
Bradford,) was married July 23d, 1684. 

Mary Abbot, daughter of Robt. & Mary Ab- 
bot, was born Sept. 28th, 1706. 

Samuel Andrew, son of Wm. Andrew & 
Seeth his wife, was borne 4th August, 1693. 

Jonath'n Ashby, son of Benja. Ashbv & 
Hanah his wife, was borne 28th September, 

Abigail All in, daughter of Joseph Allin & 
Abigail his wife, was borne at Salem June the 
first, 1696. 

Eliza Backster, daughter of Danyell Back- 
,ster„ by Eliza, his wife, was born 7 mo., 1644 
— their dau'r Susanna 7 mo., 1646 — their 
clau'r Rebecca born 11th mo,— their dau^'r 
Prissilla born in June, 1652. 

Mary, dau'r of Tho's Barnes, by Mary his 
wife, born the 12th of 8th mo., 1658, & died 
ye 14 8 mo., 1660. — their dau'r Mary born 
19th March, 1661. 

Isaac Burnap Married to Ilanna Antrum 
by Major Hathorne, 8th 9 mo , 1658. 

James, son of Mr. William Browne, born 
by Sara his wife, 28th 10 mo., 1658, & died 
6 mo. 

John Browne, Jun. Married to Ilanna Hub- 
bard by Leift Lothrop, 2d June, 1658- — their 
son, John born ye 4th 2d mo., 1659, & died 
ye 21st 3d mo., 1659. 

Mary, dau'r of Sam'l Belknap, born by Sa- 
ra his wife ye 17th 6 mo,, 1658, & Mary borne 
14M Sth mn., 1656. 

The wife of Old Rich'd Bishop died 24th 6 
mo., 1658. 

Mr. Ilenry Bartholomew, his daughter Sa- 
ra, born by Elizabeth, his wife, ye 29th 11th 
mo., 1658. 

Benjamin Bulflower, died ye 24th 12th mo., 

Jeremiah Bootsman and Hester Lambert 
were Married by Major Hathorne, 8th of 8th 
mo., 1659. — their dau Mary born 4th July, 
1660, son Jeremy born 4th November, 1662, 
son Mathew born 11th September, 1665. 

Mr. William Browne, eon John borne about 
10th 8th mo., 1669. — son Joseph borne in the 
month of August, 1672, son Benjamin borne 
in August, 1674. 

George Burch-r-his dau'r Mary, born by 
Eliza his wife, ye 30th 9 mo., 1659. — dau'r 
Eliza born 4th June, 1662. — dau'r Mary de- 
ceased 20th 12th mo., 1662. — son Jotm born 
28 iMay, 1664. 

Jacob Barny & liana Johnson maryed by 
Major Hathorne, 18th 6th mo., 1657. — their 
daugh'tr Hana born 30th 3d mo., 1659. — 
liana the wife, dyed 5th 4 mo., 1659. 

Jacob Barny & Ann Witt were maryed by 
Capt. Marshall 26th 2d mo., 1660.— their 2d 
dau'r, v Hana, born 2 March, 1060. — Sarah 
born 12th 7th mo., 1662. Abigaile born 3d 
8th mo., 1Q63. — John born 1st 6 mo., 1665. 
Jacob 21st 3d mo., 1667.— Ruth born 27trj 
7th mo., 1669. 


Richard Bishop married to widow Golt, by 
Maj. Hathorne, 22d 5th mo., 1GG0. — the wife 
Dulaabell died ye 23d 6th mo., 1658.— Rich- 
ard Bishop deceased 30th 10th ino., 1074. 

Anthoyno Buxston — liis son Anthony born 
ye 0th 7th ino , 1053, by Eliza his wife. — their 
son Samuell born 14th Oth mo., 1055. — their 
son James born 8th Gth mo., 1050 — their son 
Tho's born 24th 12 mo., '01. — son James died 
15th 8th mo., 1002.— Tho's died 20 8th mo., 
10G2. — their son Joseph born ye 17 5 mo., 
1GG3. — dau'r Hanna born 27 January, 1G05. 

James Betty, his Dau'r Mary born by Sara 
his wife 9th 9th mo., 1661. 

Cornelious Baker maryed to Hanna Wood- 
bery, 20th April, 1G58. — their Daughter 
liana born 14th 8 mo., 1000, & dijd Gth 
November, 1GG2. — 2d dau'r Hanna born 28 
9 mo., 1002. 

John Buttolph Maryed to Hana Gardner ye 
lGth 8th mo., 1003, by Major Hathorne. — 
their son John borne 11th 7th mo., 1004, & 
died ye 23d Aprill, 1065. — son Jona. born 9th 
2d mo., 10— 

Sain'l, son of John Browne, Jun'r, borne 
by liana his wife, ye 14th 1st mo., 1002, & 
died ye 31st 10th mo., 1003. — son John born 
ye 21st 12th mo., 1001, before. — son Peeter 
March, 1004, & died about 3 mo. after. — Abi- 
ell born 21st March, 1072-3. 

John Bly & liebecka Golt were Maryed by 
Majo. llathorne the 11th of 9 mo., 1603.— 
their eon John borne 27th January, 1004. 

Henry Bullock, ye elder, dyed the 27th 
10th mo., 1GG3. 

Abram, son of Sam'l Belknap, by Sara his 
wife, born 4 4th mo., 1GG0, — son Samuel 
borno 2d 3d mo., 1G02. 

John Barnett (alias Barbant,) Married to 
Mary Bishop, 14th 8th mo., IGGL— their 
Dau'r Mary born 30th 8th mo., 1GG2.— their 
Dau'r Familliar born 20th 7 mo., 1004. — 
Dau'r Eliza born 5th July, 1000. 

Jonathan Brown Maryed Abyha ile Burreil, 
bvyo worshipfull Mr. Symonds, 28 4 mo.. 

Vfames Browne Maried with Hannah Bar- 

tholmew, by Majo. llathorne, the 5th 7 mo., 
1004. — son James bo. 3d 12th mo., '65. — 
their son Bartholomew borne 31 March, 1GG9. 
son James deceased 10th mo., 1070. Daugh- 
ter Elizabeth born the 2Gth January, '70. — 
Daughter Hanna born 9th March, 1072. — son 
James born 23d May, '75. 

Edmond Bridges, his Daughter Hanna born 
Oth June, 1009. 

Abigail Beadle, daughter of Samuel Beadle, 
born by Susana his wife, ye 24th 7th mo., '61, 
and deceased 14th 8th mo., "01. 

Susana, wile of Samuel Beadle, deceased 
13th 12 mo., '02. — ye said Samuel deceased 
ye 10th March, 'G3. 

Samuel Beachnm, son of Edward Beachum, 
deceased 20 9 mo., '62. Mary, the wife of 
Edward Beachum, deceased March 1007-8. — 
their daughter Mary deceased the uame week. 

Mr. William Brown, Jun'r, Maried to 
Hanah Corwin by Maj. Hathorne, 29th 10 
mo., '64. — son William borne ye 28 July. 

Ruth, dau'r of Christopher Babadg by Ag- 
nes his wile. bo. 21 1st mo., '63. — their son 
Jon borne 15th April, 1000. — Agnes his wife 
deceased the 17th November, 1667. — the said 
Christopher Babadg & Hana Carlton, Wid- 
dow, were married the 5th 8th mo . 1674. — 
their daughter Hanna borne the 15th July, 
1675.— daughter Mary borne 1st March, 

Danyell Bacon married to Susan Spencer by 
Major Hathorne, ye 1st August, 1004. — their 
son Danyell bo. 14th October, '05.— daughter 
Alice bo. 28th 8th mo., '09, & deceased about 
7 weeks after. — dau'r Susana born ye 18th 
July, 1070. — Mary borne 8th June, 1673.— 

Ed'd Bush & Mary Hidz maryed by Maj. 
Hathorne, 17th Octo., '65. — their son Ed- 
ward bo. the 2d 7th mo., '67, & died ye 5th 
12 mo., '67. 

Thomas Barnes, his son Benjamin born by 
Mary his wife, 1st Octob. '55. — their son 
Tho's bo. ye year '57, & died ye same year* 
the said Thomas Barnes the elder, was drown- 
ed December, ('63.) 



John Balden & Arrabella Norman were 
married by Maj. Dcnnison in Sept., 1664. — 
da liana bo. 15th October, 1G07. — John borne 
•the 26 9th mo., 1668. 

Thomas, son of Tho's Cromwell, deceased 
16 March, '63. 

John Buttolph, his son George borne by 
Ilanna his wife, the 15th of October, 1GG7. 

Thomas Brackett, his eon Joseph deceased 
May ye 15, 1G — his daughter Lidea deceased 
1 January, 'G7. — son Thomas deceased the 
15th January, 1G67. 

Mr. William Browne, Jr., his son William 
deceased 24th 8th mo., 1GGG. — his daughter 
liana, by liana his wife, borne ye 16th March, 
1G67-8.— dau'r Hana deceased 30 4 mo., '68. 
their son Samuel borne by Hana his wife, 8 
8th mo., 16G9. — son William borne 5th 7tn 
mo., '71. — son of John borne ye 2.9 mo., 
1672.— son William deceased 18, 7, 72.— 
daughter Sara borne the 10th 10mo., 1674. 

John Baxter & Abigaile Whiterig were mar- 
ied by Maj. Deneson, 25th November, 1667. 
their son John borr,e the 14th 10 mo., 1668. — 
their daughter Abigaill ye 15th 10th mo., 
1670, their daughter Elizabeth the 25th May, 
1673.— Mary borne the 26 10 mo., 1674.— 
the sd Mary died the 19th 7th mo., 1675. 

John Browne & Hanna Collens were mar- 
ied the 27th of January, 1668. — their daugh- 
ter Prissilla borne 1st 4 mo., '69. — Margarett 
borne 23d April, 1671. — Joseph borne 11th 7 
ino., 1673. — Hanah Collens borne 22d July, 
1678. — their son William born first of Decem- 
ber, 1677. — Daugh'er Mary borne 4 January, 

John Buxton & Mary Small were married 
by Maj'r Hathorne 30th of March, 1668.— 
their daughter Mary borne 3d 7th mo., 1669. 
Elizabeth borne ye 13th August, 1672. — son 
John borne the 29th 9th mo., 1675. — Mary 
his wife deceased the 27th 11th mo., 1675. 

Samuel Beadle maryed to Hana Lemon the 
20th June, 1668. — their son Nathaniel borne 
the 29th of March, 1669.— Samuel borne 11th 
$th mo., 1672,— son Thomas borne 28th 9th 

mo., 1673. — daughter Susanna borno 20th of 
April, 1676. — their son Thomas deceased the 
20th May, 1676. 

Mrs. Sarah Batter, the wife of Mr. Edtnond 
Batter, deceased the 20th of the 9th mo., 

Mr. Edtnond Batter & Mrs. Mary Gookin 
were maryed ye 8th June, 1G70. — their son 
Edruond borne the 8th January, 1G73. 

Edward Beachum & Elizabeth Metcalf were 
maryed the 8th of November, 1670. 

John Best & Susana Durm were married ye 
10th of 8th mo., 1670. — their son John ye 5th 
7th mo., 1672. — daughter Susana borne the 
28th 11 mo., 1673. 

Joseph Boyce & Sarah Meachum were mar- 
ried 4th 12 mo., 1G67. — their daughter Sara 
was borne 4th 10 mo., 1GG8. 

Thomas Browning Deceased in February, 

Nathaniel Beadle & Mary Hix were maryed 
the 20th of Aprill, 1670.— his son Thomas 
•borne by Mary his wife, 21st 11th mo., 1671. 
daughter Mary borne 20th 9th mo., 1673. — 
son Nathaniel borne the 17th 10th mo., 1675. 
their son John borne the 29th 2d mo., 1678. 
daughter Elizabeth borne the 25 October, 
1679. — their son John ye second borne ye 12th 
August, 1683. 

Peeter Baldin & Rachell Dellocloce, widdow, 
were married by Major William Hathorne, ye 
27th May, 1672. 

Thomas Bouenton & Sara Sothwick were 
maried ye 30th 10th mo.. '70.— their sod 
Thomas Borne 1st March. 1671. — son Benja- 
min borne 24 July, 1675.— their Daughter 
Abigail borne the 25th July^ 1695. 

Thomas Burt & Mary Scthwick were mary- 
ed the 18 9th mo., '72. 

Jacob Barney, Jun'r, his daughter Doraas 
boi-ne by Ann his wife, 22d 2d jro., 1671. — 
their son Joseph borne the 9th March, 1672-3. 
son Israeli borne the 17th June, 1675. — son 
Jonathan borne the 29 March, 1677. — son 
Samuel borne the 10th 12th mo., 1678.-^- 
daughter Hannah borne the 6 12 mo., 1680. 


Robert Bray, his son Duniell borne by Tain- 
scn his wi'c, the 29th 9th mo., 1673. 

Gcorg Burch, his dau Mary borne by Eliza 
his wife, ye 26th 7Ji mo., 1GG7.— Abigaile 
borne 10th August 10f')9, — son George borne 
27th April, 1671, sd Georg, the father, de- 
ceased 1st 8th mo., ? 72. 

John Bly, his son Benj.uuin by Rebecka his 
wife, borne the 8th of 8th mo., 1666.— Mary 
borne 25th May, 1668.— Rebecka 20th July, 
1670.— Edmoud borne 14th 7th mo, 1072.— 
llanna 8th 8th mo., 1674.— son William borne 
ye 17th 7th mo., 1676. 

John Batcheler & Mary Herrick were mar- 
ried the 14th of August, 1673.— their son 
John borne ye 26 2d mo , 1675.— son Jona- 
than borne the 20th March, 1678. 

Joshua Buffum & Damarice Pope were mar- 

Buth Batchellor, daughter of Jona. & Ruth 
Batchellor, born Dec. 27th 1703. 

Mary Batchellor, daughter of Josiah & Ma- 
ry Batchellor, born Nov. 5, 1701.— their sen 
Wm. born Octob* 20, 1703. 

Caleb Buffum & lianna Pope \ ere maryed 
ye 26th March, 1672. — their son Caleb borne 
14th May, 1673.— son Robert borne the 1st 
id mo , L675. 

Mr. James Bailey, his son James borne by 
Mary his wife, the 12th Aprill, 1675.— sonn 
John borne 29th 7th mo., 76, & dyed 29 10 
.mo., *77. — sonn John borne the 10th May, 
78.— Samu3ll borne 2d March, 1679-80. 

Samuel Bjixston & Racheil Buxston, the 
children of Anthony Buxton, deceased the 
24th 12 mo , 1675.— son Anthony deceased 
May, 1676. 

George I'outh, his son Benjamin by Ales his 
wife, borne the 10th March, 1675. — daugh'tr 
Alee borne the 6th July, 1678. — theire daugh- 
i. r Susanna borne 21st September, 1080. 

John Bachelor the eLcNr deceased 13 9 mo., 
1675, & his wife Elizabeth deceased the 10th 
.Ih\ of the same month. 

John Batchelor's son Zachariah born Feb'y 
5th, 1701-2.— anothei son Zacha. died Dec. 

Natha 1 Batchellor born Feb'y 9th, 1703-4, 
being ye son of Jno. & Bethia Batchellor. 

Daniel Bacon, his son Michaell borne by 
Susanna his wife the 23d October, 1676. — 
daughter Liddea 23d 12th mo., 1678.— son 
John borne 24th 11 mo., 1680, the said Lid- 
dea deceased 25 10 mo., 1681. 

John Baxter, his son William borne by Ab- 
igaile his wife the 14th October, 1676. — the 
said Abigaile his wife deceased 22d 9 mo., 

John Baxter married to Elizabeth Mack- 
mallen, widdow, 4 9th mo., 1679. — theire 
daughter Sarah borne 15 August, 1680 — 
theire son Samuell borne the 10 :h June, 1683. 

Mr. John Barton, his son John borne by 
Lidea his wife, the 2d 12th m^., 1676, & de- 
ceased the 7th of the same month. — theire son 
John borne 30th January, 1677. — theire son 
Thomas borne 7th July, '80. — son Zacheus 
borne 1st 2d mo., 1683. — son Samuell born 
30th August, 1688. 

John Blethin & Jane Markes were maryed 
10th May, 1674. — theire son. John Blethin. 
borne 14th March, 1676-7. 

James Browne, Glazier, his daughter Sara, 
by Hannah his wife, borne the 10th day of 
August, 1678. 

John Batchelor, his son Josiah borne by 
Mary his wife, the 6th of March, 1679-80. 

Ebenezer Buxton, son of John Buxton & 
Eli/abetn his wife, borne the 20th June, 1690. 
Ledia Buxton borne October 16th, 1692. — 
Benj'n Buxton, son as aforesd, borne 10th 
March, 1694-5. — James Buxton, son as afore- 
sd, borne 28th Septemb., 1698. 

Joseph Bachelor & Meriain Monlton were 
maried the 8th 8th mo., 1677. — theire son Jo- 
seph Bachelor borne the 18th July, 1678. 

Hanna, daughter of Edmond Bridges, borne 
by Sarah his wife, 7th mo., 1669. — theire son 
Caleb borne 3d Jun , 1677. 

William Bennett & Elizabeth Smith, wid- 
dow, were married in March, 1674. — theire 
daughter Grace born February, '76, & dyed 
shortly after. 

[to be continued.] 




Vol. I. 

May, 1859. 

No. 2. 


By the kindness of David Puleifer, Esq., of 
Boston, wo have been permitted to print in 
our columns the following extracts, which are 
contained in a quarto manuscript volume in 
the handwriting of Mr. Fiske, which was giv- 
es to him several years since by Sam'l Tenney, 

Mr. John Fisk was born in the parish of 
St. James, in the county of Suffolk, England, 
about the year 1/01. lie was the eldest of 
four children, all of whom came to America 
afterwards with him, and left descendants. ■«- 
His father, having devoted him to the service 
of Christ, first sent him to a Grammar school, 
and afterwards to the University of Cambridge, 
where he resided until he became a graduate. 
He then began to preach, but soon afterwards 
appied himself to the study of physiek and ob^ 
tained a license for practice. Soon after the 
death of his father, the care of his mother, 
two sisters, and a youngey brother haviDg de- 
volved upon him, he remoyed to America, 
where he could quietly pursue the exercise ot 
the ministry. He arrived at New England in 
1637, and for three years he resided at Salem, 
wher^ he was both a preacher and a tutor to 
divers youDg scholars (the well known Sir 


George Downing was one.) From Salem he 
went to Wenham, and remained there fourteen 
years, when he removed to Chelmsford, with 
a part of his church. In this latter place he 
continued in the ministry until his death, 
which occurred on the 14th of January, 1676. 

Gathx my Sts. togethx unto me yos yt haue 
made a Covenant with me by sacrifice. Pa. 
50. 5. 

We whose names are hxunder written, mem- 
bers of ye pesent Church of X in Salem, haue- 
lng found by sad expience how dangerous it is 
to sit loose to ye Covenant we make with our 
god. And how apt we are to wander into bye 
pathes, yea, euen to ye loosing of our first 
avines in entring Church Fellowship. Doe 
therefore solemnly inyepesence of ye eter- 
nall God, both for our own comforts & yos 
who shall or may be jovned unto us, renew yt 
Church Covenant, we find yis church bound 
unto at there jst beginning, viz : That we cov- 
enant with ye Lord, & one with another, & 
doe bynd ourselves in ye pesence of god to 
walke together in all his waies, according as 
he is pleased to reveale hims. unto us in his 
Blessed word of truth, & doe more explicitely 
in ye name & feare of the Lord, p fesse and 
p test to walke as followeth. thro ye helpe & 
poux of ye Lord Jesus. 

1st. We Avow ye Lord to be our god, & 

ourselues his people, in ye truth and simplici- 
ty ot or Spits. 

2. We giue uporselues to ye Lord Jesus 
Christ, & ye word of his grace for ye teaching, 
ruling & sanctifying of us in matters of wor- 
ship & conversation, resoluing to cleaue to him 
alone for life & glory, & to oppose all Contrary 
waves, cannons & 'etitutiona of men in his 

3. We promise to walko with our brethren 
& sisters in yis Congregation, with all watch- 
fullness & tendernes, avoyding all Jealousies, 
6uspitions, back bitings, censurings. provok- 
ings, secret risings of epit against them, but 
in all offences to follow ye rule of the Lord Je- 
sus, & to beare & forbeare, giue & forgiue as 
he hath taught us. 

4. In publick & private wo will willingly 
doe nothing to ^e offence of ye Church, but 
will be ready to take advice for or selues & 
ours, a3 occasion shal be pesented. 

5. We will not, in ye Congregation, be for- 
ward, either to shew our owne gifts or parts 
in speaking or scrupuling, or there discouer 
ye fayling of or brethren or sisters, but attend 
an orderly cale there untoo, knowing how 
much the Lord may bee dishonoured, and his 
gospel in ye p Cession off it slighted by our 
distempers & weaknesses in publick. 

G. Wee bind our selues to study ye advance- 
ment of the gospel in all truth & peace, both 
in regard of those yt are within or without, 
no waye sleighting our sister churches, but 
useing there counsell as need ehalbee, nor lay- 
ing a stumbling block before any, no, not ye 
Indians, whose good we desire to promote, & 
so to converse as we may avoyd ye very ap- 
pearance of euill. 

7. We heereby promise to carry or selues in 
all law full obedience to those yt are set our 
us in Church, & common wealth, knowing how 
well pleasing it wilbee to ye Lord, yt they 
should bane encouragement iu there placed, by 
our not greiving theire spirits through i>ur 

8. Wee resolue to approue or selues to yo 
Lord in or p ticular callings, shunning Idlenes 

as ye bane of any State, nor will we deal e 
hardly or opp essingly with any wherein we 
are the Lord's stewards, also promising to or 
best abilities to teach our children & servants 
ye knowledge of ye Lord, & his will, that they 
may serue him also. 

And all yis not by any strength of or owne, 
but by ye Lord Christ, whose bloud we desire 
should be sprinckle. This or covenant made 
in his namei 

Sauiuel Sharp, Eldr. 

Eliz. Endicott 

dis. to pace: 

Alice Hutchinson 

John Endicott 

Eliz. Leech 

Hugh Peter, pastor 

Alice Sharpe 

Philip Verin 

Johane Johnson 

Hugh Laskin 

Eliz. Holgraue 

Roger Conant 

Margarett Bright 

Laurance Leebh 

Eliz. Dauenport 

William Auger 

Mary A 1 ford 

Francis Johnson 

Sara Conant 

Thomas Eborne 

Jane Alderman 

George Williams 

Agnes Woodbury 

George Norton 

Judith Raymond 

Henery Herriok 

Johane Cotta 

Peter Pal fry 

Dorcas Verin 

Roger Maury 

Sara Batter 

Tho. Gardner 

Eedith palfry 

John Sibly 

Eedith Herick 

John Balch 

Hanna Maurie 

Samuel Moore 

Susanna Fogge 

John Holgraue 

Joane Watson 

Ralph Fogge 

Alice Ager 

John Horn« 

Ann Ingersoll 

John Woodbury 


William Traske 


Towusend Bishop 


Thomas Read 

Elyn B 

Rich. Raymond 

Anne Dixy 

Jeffry Massy 

Anne Bound 

Edmond Batter 

Anne Home 

Elias Stileman 

Margery Balch 

Edmond Giles 

Presca Kendall 

Richard Dauenport 

Anne Scarlett 

John Black Leeeh 

Gertrude Elforde, exc. 

Tho. Scrugges 

Katherin Digweed 

Will Allen 

Anne Moore, vid. 

Will King 

Lidia Bankes 

Rich. Rootes 

Mary Gigles 

John Mobte 

Mary Lord 


Anne Garford 

John Sanders 

Susanna Goodwin 

Jacob Barney 

Brayne, vid 

Rich. Brack«nbiiry 


John Blacke 

Joane A mes 

Joseph Pope 

Eliz. Williams 

Peter Wolfe 

Mary Norton 

Will Bann 

Bethia Rea 

Sam. A 

Isabel Robinson 


Anne Robinson, vid. 

Eden hall 

Turner, vid. dead 


Sanders, dead 


Mary Gedney 


Deborah Holme 


no Browning 
Tho. Goldwhatye 
John Browne 
"William Grose 
Josua Ilolgraue 
James Moulton 
Jo. tfiske 
John Gedney 
John Hardy 
Tho Venner 
Hen Burchal 
Edw. Batcheler 
llenery Skerry 
Jn. Hinds 
Tho. Spooner 
Jo. Simonds 
Jo. Jackson 
Ric. Waters 
Benj. Fekon 
Tho. Olny 
Win. Clerk 
"Win. Robinson 
Mich. Shaflin 
Tho. Avery 
Eman Downing 
Jo. Hart 
Daniel Ray 
James Gafford 
Wil Osburne 
Laurance Southwick 
Tho. Antru— 
Obadiah Holmes 
Francis Higgison 
Jos. Ketherell, drowned 
Hen Swan 
Jos. Grafton 

Eliz. Goldtl.wayt 
Alice Baggerly 
Gift Gott 
Margaret Weston 
Anne Fiske 
Mary Moulton 
Sara Standish 
Arabella Norman 
Anne Spooner 
Anne Barney 
Mary Symonds 
Margaret Jackson 
Ruth Ames 
Elizabeth Blackleech 
Jane Anthrop 
Anne Pickworth 
Lucy Downing 
Tryphen Myrrel 
Anne Strettoh 


Marg euer 


Mary Port 

Susan Greene 
Dorothy Kenniston 
Alice Weekes 
Eliz. Pickering 
Eliz. Dunton 
Mary Grafton 

Martha Tho'son 

Salem, 1637. 
At a x x meeting. 
A qu ppounded to ye x x, by ye desire of ye 
Magi3t of yis 'try. 

What way or course is best to be taken o( 
ye x xs for Mrs, mayntenance, & ye continu- 
ance & upholding of xx ordinances? 

R, ye x x hath taken it into yr 'sideration. 

Will Walker. Or Bro : Walker's case 
brought to ye x x. 

He had been distemped in head & distracted 
& s — yt time, suspended fr ye Sort of ye Lo : 

now yt he is judged to be recoued thxof, he 
is 'sidered. 

Eldr. 1. that he hath not manifested hims. 
to be humbled for his miscarriages in yt time. 

2. that he refuseth to come to Assembly & 
to ptake in ye seales. 

3. yt he hath not brought his child lately 
borne to him unto baptiswe. 

4. yt commonly he neglects to beg a bless- 
ing, & to giue thankes at his eating. 

W. he ansurs. 

1. To ye keeping back his child. 

yt he judged hims. as — sufficient to one or- 
din. as to ye othx, 

now ye xx had judged him, as insufficient 

E. during ye time of his distraction & since 
ye Elder had told him now of ye necessity of 

W. Yet he could not 'ceive but — ye opinion 
of ye xx, he was yet accounted insufficient 
bee. of his distraction. 

E. Then yis should haue humbled him be- 
fore ye xx. but, whithx does he now desire 
co— ion with ye x x ? for he had manifested 
his desire of return to Engl. 

W. he would demur on it, & by reason bee. 
of hia unfitnes tbro. god's visit — ng of him. 

E. Thus he charges god, not hims. a. he 
Charges ye devil : bee. his fall ws fro his 
tempting of him. 

p. chxged him of a lazie ldlehes disposition, 
as ye cause. 

W. he justifies him as yt. 

R. he hath sometimes desired freedom for 
ye Xx com — n a. for com — g into ye assem- 
bles, yt he hath sd yt he is not bound to sit 
within ye watch of ye congregation, but may 
be abroad in time of gods worp without ye 
meet — g house. 

W. This he justifies also. 

E. R. & c. There eyes (it is sd.) were fas- 
tened vpo — him a. many objects are tendered 
abroad to draw away ye mind. 

To giueing of thanks at meatc. 

W. yt he is not bound to giue appa — ce of 

E. 1. in' of offence. 

2. in' of reverence so' gestures is to be used 
y — . 

W. yt soule referhce suffice ; & ye hatt may 
be on, &c. 


E. to yt 1 Cor. 6-20. 

When he had nothing to say — his defence 
furthx yr ed he was 'victed. yr urged : why he 
did not Tease his sin. 

W. yt he desired not co — ion with ye x x 
unless ye xx were 'tented with ye hand of 
god on him. 

'Twas objected ag him. 

1. yt he would not stay fr — eating till othxs 
with him had begd a blessing. 

2. yt he would answ ye x x why he saw 
cause onely. 

3. yt he was not bound in giueing thanks 
to exprse words before god. 

4. yt was supposed he was vy Ignorant. 

p. What ye 5t comdt was? he would not 
tell — & asked what diice betwene vocation and 
Justification : he would but could not. 

a. he 'leased yt he read not a chap by ye 
whole weeke togethx. 

a. yt he neglected ye duty of prayer comm- 
ly — family. 

a. yt he had sd yt poynts of Evidenceing of 
salvation, are not to be medled with by Euill 

a. yt ye pastor shold catechize his boy & 
not him. 

And ye day he was taken with a dis- 
tracted distemp. in his lead. 

Issue. The x x g.tue him an admonition out 
of p. 15, 19 &21. 

p. & vpon it pesntly tur'y his back he went 
forth ye assembly. 

Rob. Cotty. — His case decided by ye x x 
wch was yt he ; ceived hims. a memb. of this 
xx [he ca— before ye x x with a portugal 
cap on. as pr objected. 

1. fr — ye dang — of it, intimating yt soule 
revence onely is ' ry to 1 Cor. 11-7. 

2, ,try to good report. Warranted things 
are of good report. Provide all things honest 
in yo sight of all men.] 

C. he a memb of yis x x. 

1. Bjc. herecomended to yex x. 

2. bee. he was admitted to eubsription to ye 

K. 1 yt he was not dismissed but onely re- 
comened to ye xx wch implyed a purpose of 
stay for a time onely hx. to 2. if he were, it 
was thro' mistake of ye xx. 

C. ye x x now dissolved f — whence he re- 
comended go Es. 44, 5, Numb. 13. 

R. 1. it is denyed, 

2. grant it yt recomniendats' be so ; ]a man 
may bee off many x xs together. 

P. to ye 2, scriftures, Numb. 13, was a 
rash vow. 

a. yt ye x x enquired further upon him why 
he would subscribe & yt ye same day. 

a. for recommendati thx are texes. tho not 
so manifest for dismission. 

And yt in Col. 4,8. 9, shewes yt yer is a 
distinction of membs & a pp'ety to euery 

one of you & one of us. 

a. ye Cov then not j'st made but ronued. 

R. yt dismission is but a terrae of distinc- 
tion for recommendation Si — lettrs dismissive 
are nothing but letters recommendatory. 

a. as or Lord hath diuers housholds, now 
tho ye Lord sends a srvant of one by ye bye 
upon a message or ye like to ye othx. Those 
s'vents shall giue him Intertuynrut. But he 
shall haue no powr of transacting any thing 
in yt house : like as thx fr- — whence he ca — . 
so heere. 

A qu was moued to ye church. 'tribu- 

tion,viz: Whithx 'tribution was. 1. to be 
eiiry Sab : 

2. to be done so as euy one might take no- 
tice what each doth 'tribute. 

R. It is referred to ye furthx thoughts of 

Vpon an other day. — S. Weston. The case 
of or Sister Weston brought before yo xx. 

When a matter of difference bctweene hx 
& anothx was at ye Court put unto ye Jury. 


she excepted ag. 2 of the Jury men who were 
therefore offended, & with them others also. 

E. demaunded her reason. 

S. yt she did thinko it hx lib'ty. 

E. True yt yr is a lib'ty. but exception 
implies a just cause or tis not equal, viz, yt 
he will not doe Justice, or, yt he regards not 
an oth, or yt he beare s— splene. 

M. The law graunts it in case of 'sanguini- 
tie or some nie relation, but then ye ground 
or reason must be shewed to ye Judge of ye 

S. She denyed to render a reason, least yt 
impeachmt to bis good name who — she except- 
ed ag. g Mesy. & sd yt ye othx was all one 
with ye pty agt hx & more frequent with him 
yn any one memb. Mr. Batter. 

R. Mr. Batt at Mr. Pesters with Mr. Noyse 
p ter ward y othx haue had frequent dealings 

& yt S. hath broken a rule. Mat 18 & Leu 19, 
yt suspect — g will — yt she delt not with y — 

For ye things were s — long time before ye 

S. She knew not yr should be of ye Jury . 
she intended not a scandall. 

a. yt she 'ceived yr in a temptation & gifts 
blind ye eyes of ye wise, 

R. Jn aggravation of hx fault : it brought 
in ag hx. 

hx carnage to or bro. Johnson. 

hx disorderly carriag yn before ye x x. 

hx y taxing our pastor of Hypocrisy. 

hx opening ye greivance thx ag. a bro. in 
hx owne case. 

hx not dealing with such cuspected brethren 
before afr so long a time. 

hx 'fessing she saw no sin in y— 

wch aggravated hx exception. 

hx taking ye occasion fr — suspitious reports 
ag. ym. 

So she referred to ye next x x meeting. 

Br. Walker ye 2d time. — Eldr: He asks or 
Bro. Walker how ye Case stands now "with 


W. 1. yt he justifies not his practise in ye 
time of his distraction. 

2. yt tis not — hx powx to reforme h — s. 

3. yt he stands at ye dispose of ye x x. 
E. ye xx expectes his repentance. 

W* he knowes not what to say to it. 

E. What ho answer to ye x x as touching ye 
withholding his child fro — Baptisme. 

W. he silent. 

E. ye xx desires satisfaction. 

W. yt he lookes not vpon himselfe as meet 
for co — ion. But yt he shalbe meet when 
god shall turne his heart, (yet yt he well 
understands ye xx expectation) & yt bee 1 
distemped 2 faith lesse. 

Pastor, yt it apps he is undr a Temptation, 
& twere fit his case were commended to god 
by fasting & prayer. 

E. Whithx he desires yis. 

W. yt he knew not what to say to it. 

Mr. Humfry. — Mr. Humfres case brought 
to ye xx. 

Eldr. he "plaines ag ye xx of Lin. yt twice 
he was thx hindred ye seales. 

yt 1 bee. of s — difference betweene him & 
leiiten. How who excepted ag. him. 

ye 2d time, bee. one Thomkins was reci'i'd 
into xx co — ion yt day notwithstanding he 
excepted ag. him. 

Pastor, it seemes as if yexx yes denyedhim 
not yt co — ion. 

It was agreed vpo — yt if ye x x & he so 
csent yis x x may have ye whole mattr discou- 
ered by writing fr — both sids, & c. 

This day Deborah Holden Bro Gidnies wife 
Bro Marshals wife, Ja. Moulton. made yer 
pfessions, & Testimonies were giuen of yer 
godly life. & ye next sab. yr were recej'd into 
xx — co — ion. 

Some othx p pounded should haue come in, 
but were excepted agst, 

Whx vpoa warning was given by ye Elder 
yt ye reasons of yr exceptions might be brought 
in to him. before ye next xx meeting. 

Deacons, p pounds to ye x x to 'sider of ye 
dispose of Mrs. Skelton's children. 


10th of 11th month. — Mr. Humfres. case 
ye 2d time : — ye interim or Pastor was sent 
for to meet the Elders of ye x x at Lin to' fer 
■with them. Who fr both pties brings this 
relation to ye x x. 

1. yt he withdrew himselfe. bee. he was loth 
to offend ye xx. 

2 yt ye 2d time he withdrew himselfe bee. 
be was offended by yex x who tooke in an un- 
worthy member. 

To yis twas determined. 

1. yt ye xx is to deale with Mr. Htimfrey 
for withdrawing h — s. & not ratbx for deal- 
ing with ye 1st Bro. prvately according to rule 

p. hx — ye — terim fell in yis discourse. 
viz. qu whithx an Irritation unfitts lor ye 

it should app bee. anger is a short madnes. 

A. 1, Cor. 11. an examined ma— tishis du- 
ty to eate. 

qu. W lithx a bro. may abstayne when he 
is like else to giue offence to an othx. 

A. no. 

2. yt ys x x is to write to yos Elders & x x. 
1 bee yr take on memb ag. opposition & 2, 


2. bee. yr suffer ye unseasonable opposition 
of members, for members are not to reason be- 
tweene pp before ye xx by way of* opposition, 
but membs must speake yer case toyexx. 
yis writ — g to be st by vtue of ye c— ion yt is 
. betweene yes xxs. 

Sepatists. — The case of ye brethren yt with- 
drew yp f — ys x x brought forth. 
Pastor yt yi doe it out of If. 

2. bee yi would ye peace of ye x x seing yi 
cannot peaceably hold oo — ion with ye x x. 

3. yi are not resolved as yi pretend whithx 
to goe. 

a. yt yi object not ag. ye xx. 

onely. yt those yt recejd on did not renounce 
publickly ye gou't of Engl. & yt one about 
bearing in Engl & yt one yt yi no libty of ob- 
jecting in ye x x ag what is taught. 

It t put to ye x xa 'sideration. 

Whithx if G or 8 of ye x x. & wich we hope 
to be godly, yet not aggreeing with us in yer 
Judgmt may not haue a peaceable depture fro 
us to gathx a x x ? 

R. 1. These psons must jat giue ye x x sat- 
isfaction for yer schisme. 

2 tie p bableyt these would not keep co — ion 
with this church. 

3. These haue not asked leaue of ye x x but 
doe take leaue of ye x x. 

It t determined these should be sent for. 

Bro Weston. Elde desires of or Bro. Weston 
ye grounds of hia withdrawing fr — ye x x. 

W. yt he had already told ye Elders his 

E. he desired him to declare y — to ye x x. 

W. yt ye x x he counts to walk according 
to hx light or apprehension & he walks accord- 
ing to his. 1. ground, bee. he not suffered to 
ask qu. in publicke, but tis imputed to hiin 
for pride. 

E. Tis desired yt he should refraine in reg. 
of ye season : — ye Lo. day. 

but qu. is yr a ground of his withdrawing. 

W. Yes bee. he count h — s bound prsently 
to object & so seek cleering of Truths. 

E. he neu'r delt in private with ye elders 
for it. 

W. 2. reas. bee. when he questioned about 
or pastor touching his comming off at Rotter- 
dam : & what kind of x x yt was : Twas an- 
swered by s — , yt he was neithx fitt for xx, 
nor commonwealth. 

3d. bee. some are admitted into yis xxfrorn 
Rotterdam, touching who — yi write ytyi ca — 
disorderly away : & if yt be a true x x, why are 
these reej'd withit satisfaction jst giuen. 

Pastor. 1. y t he — towue 2 yeere & a halfe, 
& not objected ye ag. 

2. yt ye 2d rat of this wife, who had no 
letters of dismission fro — thence. 

qu. How far, or whithx a wife ought to 
seeke lettrs of dismission if ye man be dis- 

R. by m. 1 yt not need full, 

obj. she must co — in, in a way of god hx. 


JVI. Tis satisfaction enough ytshe be a memo 
of an othx church. 

obj. yt x x hath manifested itselfe offended 
for her disorderly comming away. 

Past, she thought not herselfe bound to 
req're yer letters, her husband being heere. 

obj It should app as if yr might be some- 
thing dissorderly observed in hx carriage since 
her husband's comming away. 

Past, ye fault was of negligence by ye elders 
in not ppounding her to ye church* 

It. t 'eluded yt letters should be wrott to 
Kottcrda — ah out ye psons yt did disorderly 
coffic eff the.Tce. 

W. 4. or. bee. or pastor oft hath sd in pub- 
lick to yis effect, we had better part then liue 

pa. mt in a way of x, 

ma. to ye 2d reas. yt twas he yt sd. he was 
neithx fitt for xx , nor commonwealth, bee. by 
his oft questioing greiues Magistr. & Mrs. & 
so yt he thinkes still: so long as he holds yt 

hx Bro : Talby obj, yt it it was an un- 
charitable speech. 

K. yt he breakes a rule, seing he should 
haue delt with or Ma : privately. & ys kind of 
speaking is disorderly. 

W. 5 reas. bee. yis church holds co — ion 
with such as doe hold co — ion with ye x x of 
Engl. viz. ye members of Mr. Lathrop's Con- 
gregation wch hath both co — ion with this 
Church & ye xx of Engl. 

E. yt he should haue delt with yos members 

W. 6. bee. he is 'selled to follow peace: & 
yis is ye end of his practise yy. 

E. But ye beginning must be peaceable too. 

Ma. The case may be resolved in yis one 

qu. Whithx one under sin in his opinion, 
not in ye opinion of ye x x, is a just ground of 
his leaving the church ? 

W. a private scruple agst any is not to be 
made publick, Least othxs should be brought 
to scruple too. 

Ma. Whithx a p'vato Scruple a ground of 

This course tends but to schisms & so to 
heresie wch is damnable, 

W. This wch is now called damnable was 
once called lawfull. 

M. he wch holds & teaches : yt one may 
breake off fr — a xx, upo — any discontent, or 
at taking offence ag. a brother &c is — a 
damnable herisy for it rases ye foundation of 

E. yt Bro. Westo— shew a text of Scr for 
his sepation. 

W , He is silent. 

E. he is desired to be at ye next xx meet- 

Bro: Ony. He is desired of ye x x ye grounds 
of his sepation. 

Ony, yt he had told ym to ourpastor. 

& he desired him to discour ym to ye x x. 

& his withdrawing was but for ye pe sent. 

bee. ye Sort ca— suddenly before he could, 
enfjrme ye x x of his scruple. 

Whxup— it prsently went abroad yt he was 
quite broken off. 

Whx'as he 'ceived h — s unde a temptation 
& haueing touched a dead body ought to re- 
fray ne. 

qn. by one whithx a man may breake off co 
— i on with a x x, if he see or suppose so — 
practize in ye x x yt he allow not off. 

M. or p. Neg. gal. 5. Circumcisio— a fun- 
dam tal error yet not a ground or rule yr throu 
out ye Epist. of sepatio — f — yt x x. 

So in ye x x of Corinth. Fornication. 

So holding of Paule, so of Apollas. 

So in Thyatyra Jezabells doctrine. 

& yt no rule giuen for sepating fr — eyther. 

O. Were such membs admitted? 

M. There is ye same reason of admission & 
keep — g in of membs. 

O. Such as haue ben defiled with idolatry 
haue ben hx admitted without washing yr 
hands by repts. 

M. There practize giues satisfaction, in yt 
they joyne with ye true x x of x. 


O. They may yet retayne Babilon in yr 

M. We are to be more charitably affected 
to such. 

O. Ezech. 43, 9, 10, 11. 

M. Are not or brethren ashamed of yr do- 
ings when yi will not abide by it? 

Bro: Gidney. he gaue ye right hand of 
Fellowship to me. 

E. Why then so lately & not now ? 

0. yt his Judgt so altered, so as not know 
how to giue ye right hand of fellowship to ye 
x x. 

pa. That you are so newly altered in yor 
judgmt Consider. 

1. ye frame of yor h xt at yt time were 
you in a humble praying frame & in ye way of 
an ordin. 

2. Does it carry you nigher to x now and 
to more humbleness. 

3. you should have told it to yo elders, pa. 
9, 7 rebuke a wise man &c. 

Ezech 43, 4, yt place in Ezech 43, you mis- 
apply for fr — thence we note. 

1 yos are most capable of ye things of god 
yt are ashamed of yr iniq'ties. 

2. God will neur shew ye true formes of his 
house but to y — yt are washt from there 
inig'ties, & yes Formes are ye inwards, wch 
are ye scales. 

3 The story is ys. This C had revolted & 
relapsed & ye p. ph exhorts hx to hx 1st loue 

And told hx what she should see vpo — hx 
returne. for — yr iailing off yi loosed ye pat- 
terns of ye house, 

5. Can you challeng any of spiritual whore- 
do — amongst us. 

O 1. y t if yos. yt relapsed, be — g — a x x 
state, ought to be ashamed ere yi capable &c. 

go. much more, yos yt neu a x x state. 

2 he could not challenge any without peju- 
dice or offence, but yis p. lessors, of all men, 
were most bitter ag. sepation at jst. 

whonowjoyno without being ashatned of yt. 
p Such breaches as these in x x's gaue oc 
casion to yt of yr bitternes. 

O. Thx ought to be yet a publick detesta- 
tion, ag yes courses, his Texee for sepation. 

2 Cor. 6. be not unequally yoked. 

M. yt yeilds no reaso — of his withdrawing 
unlease we were pved Idolaters. 

& we haue a test opposeing this practice of 
his Reu 2, 13 20. Whx ye Lo: 1. acknowl. 
ye good in yt x x yn he speakes of her sins & 

& in x p 24. he saies to yos not so sinned. 
He lay no other burden upon you, but &c. . 

The dn of idolatry or of circumcision may 
be heild in a x x & yt ye x x a t ue x x. 

P. yt place. 2 Cor. 6, mt of idolatry out 
of ye xx & ye Ap. wrot to ye whole x x. 

O mt yt yi should co — out fr ye Idolaters 
amongst themselues. 

R. mt of yr being among Idolaters & ye 
Joy — g to yr idoll feasts. 

a. x. sepated not f — ye Jewish Synagogues. 

O. ye diuers reasons of yt. fr — ye p phi- 
cies were not fulfilled. 

& x co — ieated not in yr corruptions. 

P. In Zach. 11: yr is set downe ye worp. X 
did co— icate in. 



William the Conqueror was King of England 
from 1066 to 1087. He had three children, 
William Rufus, who succeeded him, Henry, 
who succeeded William Rufus, and Adelaide, 
who married Stephen, Count of Blois. Henry 
had a daughter Matilda, who married 1st the 
Emperor Henry V, and had no issue, and mar- 
ried 2dly, Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of An- 
jou, by whom she had a son, afterwards Henry 
II. At the death of Henry I, however, Ste- 
phen, son of Stephen of Blois and Adelaide, 
usurped the throne, which properly belonged 
to his cousin Matilda. After some strife how- 
ever, the matter was settled by Stephen's prom- 
ising to give up the crown at his death, to Ma- 
tilda's son Henry, which was done. 


House of Plantagenet 1154—1399. Henry 
II died in 1189, and left Richard, Coeur de 
Lion, Geoffrey, and John, surnaraed Lackland, 
Richard left no children, Geoffrey left a son 
Arthur, who was murdered by his Uncle, 
John, and John left two sons, Henry III, and 
Richard, Earl of Cornwall. Henry III left 
Edward I, surnamed Longshanks,and Edmund 
the Humpbacked, Earl of Lancaster, whoae 
great granddaughter Blanche, 1st heiress of the 
rights of Lancaster, married John of Gaunt, 
3d Bon of Edward III. Edward 1 left a son 
Edward II, of Caernarvon, who left a eon Ed- 
ward III. Edward III had Edward the Black 
Prince, William Lionel, Duke of Clarence, 
John cf Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Ed- 
ward, Duke of York. 

Edward the Black Prince had a son Richard 
II, who was deposed 1399. Lionel, d of Clar- 
ence had a daughter Philippa, who married 
Edw. Mortimer, and was mother of E.o^<-r 
Mortimer, the father of Anna Mortimer, who 
married Richard, son of Edmund, d of York, 
Edward Ill's youngeet son. 

John of Gaunt married Blanche of Lancas- 
ter, and bad two sous, John Beaufort, a natu- 
ral son, and Henry, who usurped his cousin 
Richard's crown, and became Henry IV. 

House of Lancaster (Red Rose) 1399—1460. 
Henry 1^ had a son Henry V, who married 
Catharine of France, and she afterwards mar- 
ried Owen Tudor, and had a son Edmund Tu- 
dor, Earl cf Richmond, who married Margaret 
Beaufort, 2d heiress of Lancaster, (and grand 
daughter of John Beaufort, natural son of 
John of Gaunt) and had a son who became 
Henry VII. Henry V had a eon Henry VI, 
who was King until 1460, when his opponent 
Edward IV became King. 

House of York (white Rose) 1480—1485.— 
Edward IV was descended from Lionel, d of 
Clarence, through Anne Mortimer, his grand 
daughter, who married Richard, son of Ed- 
mund of York; he was succeeded by his son 
Edward V, who was murdered in the Tower by 
command cf his uncle Richard, 1483. 

Richard III reigned until defeated and slain 
at Bosworth, 1485, when Henry VII, son of 
Edmund Tudor and Margaret Beaufort, ascend- 
ed the throne, and united the roses, by marry- 
ing Elizabeth of York, daughter of Edward IV. 

House of Tudor 1485—1603. Henry VII 
had Margaret, who married James IV (Stuart) 
King of Scotland, Henry, who married Catha- 
rine of Arragon, and Mary, who married 1st 
Louis XII of France, and 2ndly Charles Bran- 
don, Duke of Suffolk. 

Margaret and James of Scotland had a son 
James V, who had a daughter Mary, Queen of 
Geota, cruelly beheaded 1587, leaving a son, 
James VI of Scotland, and afterwards Jamea I 
of England. Henry VIII had by Catherine of 
Arragon, a daughter Mary ; by his second wife 
Anne Boleyn, a daughter Elizabeth, and by 
his third wife Jane Seymour, a son, who suc- 
ceeded his father as Edward VI. Mary, and 
Charles Brandon had a daughter Frances, who 
married Henry Grey, d «f Suffolk, and a daugh- 
ter Eleanor, who married the Earl of Cumber- 
land, and had a daughter who married the 
Earl of Derby. Frances Brandon and Henry 
Grey had three daughters, Jane, beheaded 1554, 
Catharine and Mary. 

Edward VI d in 1552, and was succeeded by 
hia sister Mary, who died 1558, and was suc- 
ceeded by her sister Elizabeth, who died 1603, 
leaving no children, when the crown passed 
over to James VI of Scotland, son of Mary 

House of Stuart 1603—1689. James I of 
England had two children, Charles I, behead- 
ed 1649, and Elizabeth, who married Frederic, 
Elector Palatine, and had Sophia, married to 
Ernest Augustus, first Elector of Hanover. 

Charles I had Charles II, who died 1685, 
Mary, who married William II, Prince of Or- 
ange, and James 2d, who abdicated 1689?; his 
children were, Mary, who married William 
III, Prince of Orange, son of William II and 
Mary Stuart, Anne, ^Queen 1702 — 14, and Jaa. 
Edward, who had Charles Edward, died at 


ttome 1788, and Henry of York, Cardinal, who 
died 1807, the last Stuart. 

House of Hanover, since 1714. At the death 
of Queen Anne, the crown passed over into the 
possession of George I, son of Sophia and Er- 
nest Augustus of Hanover. 

George 1 was flucceoded by his son George 
II, who had a son Frederic Lewis, who dying 
1751, left a son George III, married to Char- 
lotte of Mecklenburg Strehtz, by whom he had 
among others George IV, William IV, and 
Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent. George IV 
died in 1830, and William IV died 1837 : Ed- 
ward Augustus, Duke of Kent, married Vic- 
toria, Princess of Saxe Co'ourg, and died 1820, 
leaving a daughter Victoria, born May 24, 
1819, who succeeded William IV in 1837, and 
who now reigns. 


It is a prevalent notion that the piesent time is 
Worse, in every respect, than any former period. — 
We talk about "good old times" as if the present were 
'very bad times," f»nd there was nothing good now- 
adays. Ours is called an age of "humbug," — and 
perhaps in some respscts it is, — but with all its 
short-comings, but a very little knowledge of histo- 
ry is required to show us the vast improvements in 
Art, Science, and Religion even, that have been made 
from time to time, and that the world is, upon the 
whole, continually growing wiser and better. 

I am led to these remarks by the perusal of "A 
Treatise of the choisest Spagyricall Preparations,'' 
printed in 1651, — containing some receipts for medi- 
cines which are very curious, and perhaps some may 
think unworthy to be preserved. I have, however, 
thought it best to send you a few samples for publi- 
cation, in order to show what "doses" people were 
willing to submit to in the old Witchcraft, Quaker- 
whipping timos, that we so much reverence: 

"The Quintessence of Snakes, Adders or Vipers. — 
Tako of the biggest and fattest Snakes, Adders or 
Vipers which you can get in June or July, cut off 
their heads, take off their skins and unbowell them, 
then cut them into small pieces and put tliern into a 
Glass of a wide mouth, and set them in a warm Bal- 
neo, that they may be well dryed, which will bee 
done in three or four days. Then take them out> 
and put them into a bolt head, and pour on them of 
the best alcolizated Wine as much as will cover them 
eii or eight fingers' breadth. Stop the glass Her- 

metically, & digest them fifteen days in Balneo, ot 
so long til the Wine be sufficiently covered, which 
poure forth; then pour on more of the foresaid Spir- 
it of Wine till all the quintessence be extracted: 
Then put all the tinged spirits together, and draw off 
the spirit in a gentle Balneo till it be thick at the 
bottom; on this pour Spirit of Wine Caryophyllated, 
and stir them well together, and digest them in a 
Circulatory ten days; then abstract the spirit of 
Wine, and the quintessence remaineth at the bottom 

This quintessence is of extraordinary vertue for 
the purifying of the blood, flesh and skin, and conse- 
quently of all diseases therein. It cures also the 
Falling-sickness, & strengthens the Brain, Sight and 
Hearing, and preserveth from Gray hairs, renewetb, 
Youth, cureth the Gout, Consumption, causeth Sweat, 
is very good in and against Pestilential infections." 

"Aqua Magnanimitidis is made thus: — Take of Ants 
or Pismires a handful, of their eggs two hundred, of 
Millepides, or Woodlice, one hundred, of Bees one 
hundred and fifty, digest all these in two pints of 
Spirit of Wine, being very well impregnated with 
the brightest soot. Digest them together th 3 space 
of a month, then pour off the clear spirit and keep it 
safe. Good to stir up the Animall spirits. It doth, 
also -wonderfully irritate the spirits that are dulled 
and deaded with any cold distemper." 

Here is a receipt for another "Aqua Magnanimi- 
tatis," something like the above, which is represent- 
ed to be of "excellent use to stir up the animall 
spirit : in so much that John Casmire Palfe-grave 
of the Rhene, and Seyfrie of Collen, Generall, against 
the Turks, did always drinke of it when they went 
to fight, to increase Magnanimity and courage, which 
it did even to admiration." 

"Elixir of Mummie. — Take of mumtnie, (viz. of 
mau's flesh hardened,) cut small four ounces, Spirit 
of Wine terebinthinated ten ounces, put them into a 
glazed vessell, (three parts of four being empty,) 
which set in horse-dung to digest for the space of a 
moneth, then take it out and express; let the ex- 
pression be circulated a month, then let it run 
through Manica Hippocratis, then evaporate the spirit 
till that which remaines in the bottome b9 like an 
Oil, which is the true Elixir of mummie. 

This elixir is a wonderfull preservation against all 
infections, also very Balsamicall.'' 

There are some receipts in this book &o bad thai 
they would, I believe, cause the hairs of your cor- 
respondent, who furnished you awhile sine.g with a 
"Metson to make the hair groe," — to "stand upon 
an end." 

There are also in this singular book some very 
curious experiments, a few of the titles of which I 
will give. 

"To make tho representation or tlio vliolo world 
iu a Glasse." 

♦To make powder that by ^pittinj 

:n «hall bo 


"To make artificial Poirle, cs ^lorioua as any 

"To make Gold grow and be increased in tho 


"The author of this work says in his Preface, "I 
rejoyco as at the break of the day, after a long tedi- 
ous night, to soehow this solary art of Alchyuiie be- 
gins for to shine forth out of the clouds of reproach 
which it hath a long time undeservedly layen under. 
There are two things which have a long time eclipsed 
it, viz., the mists of ignorance, and the specious lu- 
nary body of deceit. Arise, Sunne of truth, and 
dispell these interposed fogs, that the Queen of Arts 
may triumph in splendour!" 

I think I have given your readers a sufficient dose, 
and will therefore for the present take lea re of the 
subject. B. 

MAY. 1859. 

The following account of the different varie- 
ties of tree*, that are growing in the principal 
streets of Salem, during the month of May, 
1859, has been prepared with much care and 
accuracy, by a gentleman of this city, who 
has devoted considerable attention to this sub- 

It ia valuable, and worthy of record, as ex- 
hibiting the degree of interest, which is devot- 
ed, at this time, to the planting of trees in the 
streets and public places of this city. 





























































Che nut, 



























































































Mount Vernon, 3 

















6 8 

G 15 


17 3 






; 1 









34 4 







2 1 














83 17 






6 3 






St. Peter, 

9 6 


















6 3 


1 1 



10 13 

5 2 














36 13 


5 5 







15 1 










12 11 









13 1 






Webb, East, 




10 6 








3 3 




Around Com- 


160 12 



Avenue to 

Alms House. 




Elms, 1656; Maples, 353; Horse Chestnut, 213; 
Linden, 65; Ash, 133; Poplar, 24; Cherry, 110; 
Acacia, 8. In addition to the above, there are, — 
in Brown street 2 Tree of Heaven, or Ailanthus; 
Briggs street 2 Oak; Broad Street 1 Locust; Feder- 
al street 1 Buttonwood; Friend street 9 Oak; Felt 
street 9 Birch; Harbor street 1 Tree of Heaven; 
Hathorne street 2 Buttonwood; North street 4 Wil- 
low, 1 Buttonwood; Oak street 1 Walnut; St. Peter 
etreet 1 Tree of Heaven; Porter street 1 Poplar; 


Prescott street 1 Balm of Gilead; Summer street 1 
"Willow; Ropes street 1 Walnut; total number of 
trees, 2615. a. 


Copied by Ira J. Patch. 

Mary Williams, 9th mo., 1654. 

Will of Marie Williams of Salem, Widow, 
dated let 3 mo., 54', mentions her late hus- 
band, George Williams ; her daus Sarah, Ma- 
rio Bishop. Bethia, sons Samuel, Joseph and 
George. Witness — Ric'd Bishop, Thos. Rob- 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£l313s3£d, taken byElias Stilemanjr& Ric'd 
Eishop, 17 9 mo., 1G54. 

Eliz'h Hardy. IOzA mo., 1654. 
Inventory of estate of Elizh Hardy of Sa- 
lem, widow, amounting to £151 9s 2d, taken 
by Win. Dodge, Wm. Dixey, 11th 9th mo., 

"Granted to Jno. Hardy, 27 10th mo., 

1638 : To fforty acres of vpland and sixe Acres 

, of meadow to the East of that land which is 

graunted to Richard Dodge." vera copia 

as Atteste. pr Edmond Batter. 

25th of the $lh month, 1653. 
Gervis Gar ford of Salem, in the County of 
Essex, Gent., bath sold vnto Elizabeth Hardie 
of the same, window, for eighty pounds ster- 
ling, his dwelling house & ten acres of Ara- 
ble land, & six acres & a quarter of mt>d- 
dow neare drapers point, vppon Bass Riuer, 
adjoyning to the house, and eighty Acres of 
land lying betweene Lord's XI ■ 11 & Birch- 
plaine, on Bass Riuer side, within the pre- 
eincts of Salem, as by deed dated the 26th day 
of 7 r ber, 1653, aprth. 

This is a true copy out of the records for the 
County in Salem, fr me. 

Hillard Veren, Recorder. 

Nath' Merrill. Mar., 1655. 

Will of Nath'l Merrill of Newbury, dated 
Mar. 8, 1654, mentions wife Susanna, daugh- 
ter Susanna, under 21 years, Bons Nathaniel, 
John Abraham Daniel and Abel all under 
21 years, appoints son Nath'l ex'or. Bro 
John Merrill & Anthony Somerby overseers, 
witnesses — Richard Knight, Anthony Somer- 
by and John Merrill, probate 27th 1st mo., 
'55. deceased March 16, 1654-5. 

Inventory of above estate taken Mar. 23, 
1654-5, by Dan'l Thurstor\ Richard Knight 
and ArcheUus Woodman, amounting to £84 6s 
returned 27th 1st mo., '55. 

Alice Ward, Mar., 1655. 

Inventory of estate of Alice Ward of Ips- 
wich, widow, taken 23d llth mo., 1654, a- 
mounting to £37 14s lid, by Robert Lord, 
John Warner. 

Joannah Smith the wife c." Thos. Smith, 
Elizabeth wife of Jacob I o'ana 

wife of Francis Jordan, testifie that Alice 
Ward, widdow, on her dc lid commit 

Sarah Ward, her daughter! . , vnto John 

Baker & Elizabeth his wife, the. said Sa?ab 
Ward & her estate to bring vp the said child 
in the feare of god, and gave vnto the sd Eliz- 
abeth Baker her keyes & desired her to take of 
all, & to discharge her debts. 

SvTorne in Court held at Ipswich the 27th 
1st mo., 1655. Robert Lord, Cleric. 

Eleanor Tresler.ith mo.. 1655. 
Will of Eleanor Tresler of Salem, dated 15th 
Feb., 1654, mentions sons Henry & Nicholas 
to be joint ex'ors. son Edward, 2 daughters, 
grandchildren John Phelps, Elezabeth, 
Sam'l & Edward, children of Nicholas, men- 
tions legacy bequeathed by her late husband 
to his daughter in England, to wit., £10.—- 
witness — Robt. Moulton, senr., George Gard- 


ner. Root. Moulton, jr. proved 26th 4th mo., 

Inventory of above estate (dated Mar. 13, 
1654-5,) amounting to £131 03a OGd, return- 
ed by Robert Moulton & George Gardner. 

Wm. Knight, 4th mo., 1655. 

Will of Win. Knights, dated Dec. 2 1653, 
mentions wife Elizabeth, son John, dau Ane 
& her children, son Francis, dau Hanna, John 
Ballard, Nathaniel Ballard, after the lega- 
cies are paid to these above, the balance to be 
equally divided between his four children 
which he had by his last wife Eliz'h — eldest 
son Jacob to have a double portion, appoints 
bis wife Eliz'h ex"x, his brother Nicholas Pot 
ter and George Keasur and John Witt to be 
overseers. Witness John Faller & Nicho- 
las Potter, probate 28th 4th mo., 1655. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£154 15s Od, returned 28th 4th mo., '55. 

Robt. Moulton, 4th mo., 1655. 

Will of Robt. Moulton, senr., dated Salem 
20th Feb'y, 1654, mentions son Robert, & 
appts him ex'r, dau Dorothy Edwards, grand- 
son Robert Moulton, good wife Buffum and 
Joshua Buffum, witnessed by George Gard- 
ner, Henry Phelps & Nich. Phelps, probate 
26th 4th mo., 1655. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£113 08s, returned 26th 4th mo., '55, by 
Henry Phelps & John Hill. 

Henry Fay, 1655. 

Inventory of estate of Henry Fay, weaver, 
of Newbury, who deceased June 30th, 1655, 
taken by Thomas Hart. Thomas Browne & 
Abraham Tappan. 

Richard Pike testified that Henry Fay said 
to him that if he died a single man, then his 
brother's children shall have this estate. 

Robert Long, James Jackman, and Jane 
Jackman all testily that said Henry Fay said 
at several different times he wished his broth- 
er's children to have his estate if they came 

for it, and wished his friends Robert Long and 
James Jackman to take charge of it. 

John Jackson, 4th mo., 1656. 

Will of John Jackeon, eenr. d.ited 31st 11th 
mo., 1655, mentions wife Mary, Margaret 
Nouel, appts son John Jackson exor. appta 
Win. Browne, Edma Batter overseers, proved 
4th mo., 1655. 

Inventory of above estate taken 10th let 
mo., 1655-6, amounting to £20 6a. 

Thomas Wickes, 4th mo., 1656. 

Will of Thos. Wickes of Salem, dated 9th 
7th mo., 1655, mentions wife Alice, and appta 
herextx., daughters Bethia & Hannah, appta 
loving cousin and friends Robert Gray, Mr. 
Edmond Batter & Elias Stileman, jr., to be 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£192 10s, returned by Hilliard Veren & Thom- 
as Cromwell. 

John Hart, 4th mo., 1656. 
Inventory of estate of John Hart, Marble- 
h'd, taken 14th 1st mo., 1655-6, by Mosea 
Maverick and Jona Bartlett, amounting to 
£74 10s 06d. 

Fran. Parratt. 1th mo., 1656. 
Inventory of estate of Francis Parratt, dat- 
ed 15th 7th mo., 1656, amounting to £357 
5s Od. 

James Noyes, 9th mo., 1656. 

Will of James Noy*s, dated Oct. 17, 1656, 
mentions wife and children, cousin Thomas 
Parker, brother Nicholas Noyes. probate 
Nov. 26, 1656. 

James Noyes died Oct. 21, 1656. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£657 lis 4d, returned by Rich'd Knight 
Anthony Somerby & Benjamin Swett. 

Mrs. Sara Noyes, the wife of deceased, makes 
oath to the same. 


Rehecca Bacon, 9 th mo , 1655. 

Will of Hookah Bacon. Widow, dated 1st 
mo., 23. 1G55. mentions son Isaac as her sole 
executor, Robert Buffum to assist him, Isaac 
being under age ; cousins Anne Potter & 
Rich'd Cheelcraft ; frees her man Cornelius & 
gives him a suite of clothes; sister Buffum, 
Sister Coys, Sister Sugthwike, Sisters Avery & 
horni8s, Brother Robert Buffum, appoints 
Brothers Joseph Boys Thomas Avery & 
Nath'l Felton, overseers : mentions Sister Ju- 
dith, in Old England, cousin John, Georg Be- 
dell, proved 29th 9th mo.. '55. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£195 8s 6d, taken 10th July, 1655, by Thos. 
Gardner, sr., & Joseph Boyes. 

John Bridgeman, 9th mo., 1655. 

Will of John Bridgman mentions Mr. Per- 
kins after his claims paid, the rest to go to his 
daughter, probate 9ch mo., '55. 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£69 07s 07d, taken by Walter Price, Philip 

John Ward. Mar., '56. 
Will of John Ward, sometimes resident at 
Ipswich, in New England, dated 28th Decem- 
ber, 1052, mentions to Cousin Nath'l Ward, 
the son of his Uncle, Nath'l Ward : 1 doe give 
that house & land given me by my father in 
his will, and that lies in East Mersey, in the 
County of Essex in Old England ; cousin 
"Ward's, of wethersfield, two youngest sons, 
Cousin John Barker of Boxted in Essex, his 
Eldest dau, Anna, son Sam'l. to his mother's 
poore kindred ten pounds ; Cousin Sam'l Sher- 
man's, who some years since lived in Boston, 
N. E.. two youngest sons, both under age; 
Cousin Philip Sherman of Rhote Island ; gives 
books to Thomas Andrews of Ipswich, and also 
hisChirurgry chest, & all yt is now in it. — 
Robert Paine, ex'or. 

The balance of his estate be laid out in a 
standing anuity, to be bestowed on the Har- 
vard Coll, Cambridge, and would have it im- 

proved to tho Convenient bringing up & main- 
taining of one or moreschollare in the said Col- 
lege, & only such to have benefit whose estate 
or friends cannot otherwise maintain. 14 lbs 
to be spent on his funeral!, proved 25th 1st 
mo., 1656. 

Inventory of* ahove eRtate, amounting to 
£308 7s 3d, returned 25th 1st mo., 1656. 

John Friend, 1st mo., 1656. 
Will of John Friend, c'ated 4th 11th mo., 

1655, mentions son Sam'l, apt. exor., daus 
Eliz'h Pecker, Betbiah Heeter & son James, 
his friends, Wm. Dodge & William King, 
overseers. Witnesses — George Emery, Ed- 
mund Grover & Henry Herrick. proved 27th 
1st mo., 1656. 

Henry Smith, Mar., 1656. 
Inventory of Estate of Henry Smith of Row- 
lev, taken 1st mo., 16, 1654-5, amounting to 
£19 12s Od, returned by Rich'd Swan & John 
Smith, allowed 25th 1st mo., 1656. 

Henry Seivall, Mar., '56. 
Inventory of Mr. Sewall's estate, amounting 
to £364 6s 8d, returned by Joseph Jewett, 
Mathew T Boyle & John Tjd. allowed Mar. 25, 

Hugh Chaplin, Mar., 1657. 
Will of Hugh Chaplin of Rowley, dated 
15th 1st mo., 1654, mentions his beloved wife, 

Elizabeth Thomas Mighell Maximil- 

liam Jewett, Thomas Diconson, Hew Smith, 
John Pickard, eldest son John. Witnesses — 
Joseph Jewett, John Pickard. proved 31st 
March, 1657. 

Anthony Newhall, Mar., 1657. 
Will of Anthony Newhall, dated 14th Jan., 

1656, mentions grand-children Richard & Eliz- 
abeth Hood, daughter Mary m'd son John, 
Nath'l Pentland, Matthew Farrington and 
John Fuller to be overseers, proved 31st Mar. 


Inventory of a f >ove estate taken 6th 12th 
mo., 1656, returned by Kichard Hood, 31st 
Mar., 1657. 

John Pickering, 5th mo., 1657. 
Will of John Pickering of Salem, dated 30th 
5th ruo. , 1655, mentions sons John & Jonathan, 
minors, wife Elizabeth, wife & two sons, exors 
John Home & Edmond Batter, overseers, 
proved 1st 5th mo., 1657. 

Henry Bullock, 5th mo., 1657. 
Inventory of estate of Henry Bul'ock, jr., 
taken by Thos. Gardner & Nath'l Felton, 10th 
10th mo., 1656, amounts to £121 2s Od. 

John Trumbull's, Sept., 1657. 
Inventory of estate of John Trumbull of 
.Rowley, amounts to £225 17s 10s. returned by 
his widow, Ann Trumbull, 29th 7th mo., 

Agnes Balch. 9th mo., 1657. 

Inventory of estate of Agnes Balch, amount 
£9 lis Od, taken by John Rayment & Henry 
Herrick, Nov. 25, 1657, and List of debts 
agst. her estate, which accrued in her long 
sickness due toBenj. Balch, amount £18 12s. 

Testimony of Anna Woodbury, widdow, 
Nicholas Patch, her brother and El — his wife, 
Abagail Hill, .Rachel Rayment, Hannah Wood- 
bury, John Grover, that the estate of Agnes 
Balch, dec'd, is not enough to satisfy the 
charges of Benj'n Balch ag'st the estate for 
charges in her long weakness and sickness. 

Humphrey Gilbert, Jan., 1657-8. 
The petition of the four daughters, with 
their husbands of Humphrey Gilbert, who de- 
ceased Jan. 20, 1657, to the Court to grant 
administration to their four husbands, Peter 
Harvey, Ric'd Palmer, Rich'd Comer, Moses 
Ebberne. Administration granted according 
to the petition. 

John Robinson, Mar.. 1658. 

Will of John Robinson of Ioowich, wheel- 
right, dated 27th Feb., 1657, gives to Alice 
Howlett, wife of Thos. Howlett ; £10 to Thos. 
Howlett, Jr., his Chest and all his tools, & to 
Thos. Howlett, Sr. all the rest of his estate, & 
appta him soleexor. Witness — James & John 
How. proved 30th Mar., 1658. 

Inventory of above estate amount £54 19a 
6d, debt due to Ensign Howlett for diet, 
clothes, attendance and physicke. £22 16s 
3d allowed 30th Mar., 1658. 

Humphrey Gilbert, Mar., 1658. 

Copy of will of Humphrey Gilbard of Ips- 
wich, dated 14th 12th mo., 1657, mentions 
son John, wife Eliz'h, daughter Abigail, & 
her 3 sisters all under age. 

Administration granted to Elizabeth, the 
widow, the 30th Mar., 1658. 

Inventory of above estate, amount £53 0s 
lid, taken by Philip Fowler, 

Thos. Wat hen, 4th mo., 1658. 
Inventory of estate of Thos. Wathen, dec'd, 
taken 30th 4th mo., 1658, amount £7 14s 2d, 
returned by his kinsman, Ezekiel Wathen, 
30th June, 1658. 

Thos. Scudder, 4th mo., 1658. 

Will of Thos. Scudder of Salem, dated 30th 
Sept., 1657, mentions wife El : zabeth, and 
appts her sole ex'x, his children, John, Thom- 
as and Henry Scudder, and dau Eliz'h Bar- 
tholomew, grandchild Thomas Scudder, son of 
son William Scudder dec. 

Witnesses— Richard Waters, Wm. Traske, 
Joseph Boyle, Thomas Lowthop. 

Proved 29th June, 1658. 

Thomas Scudder deceased 1657. 

Inventory of above estate, amount £73 08s 
4d, returned by Eliz'h scudder. 

Geo. Bunker, 4th mo., 1658. 
Inventory of George Bunker amounts £300 
158 Od, returned by Jane Bunker, widow, 29fch 
June, 1658. 


James Patch, June, 1658. 

Will of Jaiues Patch of Beverly, dated 7th 
Aug., 1G58, inentbns wife Hannah, gave her 
his house & land, orchard, and all the appur- 
tenances to it belonging to his home grounds, 
together with that parcel of meadow lying near 
Ric'd Dodge ; also 2 cows, together with ten 
acres of Rocky Land, lving on »he east side or 
the home lott, for wood ; also all the house- 
hold stuffe in the house for the competent 
bringing up of the children. 

To his son, James Patch, all his part of the 
farme called Knights farm, both upland & 
meadow, all his right there be it more or less, 
together with the two youngest oxen & the 

Tohisdau, Mary Patch, two oxen, which 
are eldest, with one cow ; also ten acres of up 
land Laying neai Sawyer's Playne. 

To his dau Elizabeth, two middle oxen, with 
one cow ; also 20 acres of upland laying by 
the land called Eastyes land, and joyning next 
unto said land ; appoints his wife Hannah to 
be extx. ; his two brothers, Nicholas VVood- 
bury & Juhn Patch to be overseers of his will. 

Witnesses— Thos. Lowthropp & John Hill. 

Proved 2d 9th mo., '58. 

Inventory of above estate, amount £250 16s 
taken 27th 6th mo., 1G58, by Ric'd Bracken- 
bury, John Thorndike, Zabulon Hill & John 


A. D., 101)2. 


George Jacobs, Senr., (the picture of whose 
trial for witchcraft, before one of those extra- 
ordinary tribunals, partaking both of a civil 
and ecclesiastical character embellishes the 
entrance to the libraries of the Essex Institute 
and Salem Athcneum, in Plummer liallj 

was condemned and executed during that 
fearful delusion, when upwards of eighty years 
of age, without any regard to the usual rules 
of evidence or other proprieties of law. — His 
principal accusor was his own misguided 
granddaughter, Margaret, into which she was 
terrified while confined in prison for the same 
offence, by the iutriguings. threatenings and 
revilings, upon her own confession, of the de- 
signing Magistrates, or rather Inquisitors, to 
save hsr own life, being then only in her 17th 
year. He resided in what was then called 
Salem Village, in a secluded spot off east from 
the main road leading 'o Topsfield, and bor- 
dering upon the river leading to Danvers Port. 
He appears to have bought his homestead of 
Richard Waters and Joyn, his wife, contain- 
ing a house and ten acres of land, the 20th 
Nov., 1658 ; to which he afterwards added 
about four acres more, consisting partly of 
marsh land. He was also the owner of four 
acres and six cow leases on Kyall side, being 
the opposite shore, which he received by grant 
from the town of Salem. This portion of land 
remained in the family during the childhood 
and minority of my great grandmother, Eliza- 
beth Jacobs, the groat granddaughter of the 
guiltless victim, George Jacobs, senr., she be- 
ing the daughter of John, who was the son of 
George, jr., who was the son of George senr. 
The old lady has often told me that previous 
to her marriage with my great grandfather, 
John Endicott, she used to paddle a canoe 
aeroes the river, and milk the cows in this very 
lot — and when the tide was out, she was ac- 
customed to pass and repass over the flats upon 
a row of stones, or sort of causeway, leading 
to the channel on both sides — wade through 
the channel with her milk pails and milk, and 
upon her return safely deposit her burden in 
her father's house. These stones, we have 
heen told by some of the family etill residing 
upon the old homestead, remain to this day, a 
memorial, not only of the perseverance of our 
fathers, but of the hardihood of her who so of- 
ten passed and repassed with the fruits of her 


daily toil and industry over t5iein. She was a 
woman of uncommon energy of character. It 
is relited of her, that, when Col. Pickering, 
on his way to the battle of Bunker Hill halted 
his regiment at the Bell Tavern, Danvers, she 
was so displeased that she walked -up to the 
Col. and said, "Why on airth don't yon 
march? don't you hear the guns at Charles- 
town ?'* George senr's Will is dated 29th Jan., 
1691-2, and probated the October following. 
His wife's name was Mary. It would seem as 
if his extreme age and feebleness (heingso 
bowed down with decrepitude and the weight 
of years that he required two canes* for sup- 
port,) should have shielded him from such a 
wretched fate and ignoble death at tho hands 
of those inexorable officers of (miscalled) jus- 
tice, who seemed determined upon the judicial 
murder and indiscriminate slaughter of all 
whom malice, credulity or misguided fanati- 
cism, might select for their victims. It is re 
lated of Chief Justice Stoughton, that when he 
heard the Governor had reprieved several vic- 
tims who were awaiting sentence of death in 
prison, he was so displeased that he left the 
Bench and went out of the Court, exclaiming, 
4, Wbo it is obstructs the course of justice I 
know not. We were in a way to have cleared 
the land of these, &c. The Lord be merciful to 
the country." In contrition of his errors and 
bigotry, it is said Mr. Stoughton afterwards 
erected the building kuown as '■'■Stoughton 
Hall" for the use of Harvard College. It is, 
however, difficult to see any connection be- 
tween the two circumstances. 

There is a tradition in the family that their 
ancestor was hung upon a tree on his own 
land and buried there, [vide Felt's Annals, 
Vol. 2, P. 482] This conflicts with another 
tradition, related by my great grandmother, 
that his body after execution in Salem, was 
brought home for burial by his own eon, who 
•witnessed his execution, across the back of a 
horse, cart ways being almost unknown at 

*The very canes are now in the possession of the 
Essex Institute. 


that period, except upon the most frequented 
roads, all others being what were called bridle 
paths. Tradition has, however, kept alive the 
fact that he was buried upon his own land. — 
His reputed grave has been recently opened, 
and found to contain the bones of a very aged 
person, without a single tooth in the jaw, 
which were no doubt the remains of this inof- 
fensive, artless, but unfortunate old gentleman. 
It would bo a melancholy satisfaction could we 
with equal certainty identify the graves of the 
victims of this dire delusion, the records of 
which fill such a dark page in our JSew Eng- 
land history. 

Children of George and Mary— 2 George Ja- 
cobs, Jr. m. Rebecca Frost ; 2 Ann Jacobs m. 
John Andrew, and had 3 daughters, viz : 
Ann, 3 Elizibeth and 3 M try. 

Second Generation. 

^George Jacobs lesided upon the old home- 
stead, and died previous to 1718 ; m. Rebecca 
Frost, 9 12, 1G74. Both he and his wife, with 
their danghter Margaret, suffered persecution 
during the witchcraft delusion. Upon being 
accused he fled, but his wife and daughter 
Margaret were imprisoned, but were after- 
wards released. Children ot 2 George and Re- 
becca - 3 Margaret, b. Nov. 20, 1675. The 
unfortunate accuser of her grandfather : 
3 George,t b. Sept. .29, 1077. Was living in 
Wells, Me., and sold his portion of his fath- 
er's farm to his brother John, in 1718. Mar- 
ried there in 1702, where his posterity are now 

f Third Generation. 
3 George J;ieobs, b. in Salem Village, now Dan- 
vers Fori, Scpr. 29, 1677, was a pranrison of the 
guiltless victim George Jacobs, senr Removed to 
Wells, Me,, about 17£0, where he mnnied, first, 
December 16, 1701, Hannah Cussins, m. 2d, Oct. 
21, 1742, Eli'/abeth Burnham. Children, 4 Lvdia h. 
Dec. 11, 1702, m. Joseph Stevens Nov. 11, 1726; 
*Hanaah b. June 20, 1705 m. John Stevens June 
10, 1727 ; 4 Geor«j;e. m Marv Woodman Dec. 10, 
1741; 4 John m. Deborah Ware Or 30. 1745; 
4 Pricil!a m. Joshua Bar lett Sept 16 1736; 4 E!iz- 
abeth m. Joseph Tavloi Sept. 1734 ; 4 Benjamin 
m. Hannah Bank of York. Me., June, 1750. 
Fourth Generation. 
3 George Jacobs lived in Wells, Me., married 


probably living ; "John, b. Sept. 18, 1679; 
■Jonathan, b. July 29, 1081 ; no memorial of 
him ; Wlary, b. May 20, 1683. 
Third Generation. 
3 John Jacobs, b. Sept. 18, 1079. Lived up- 
on the old Jacobs homestead, in Salem Vil- 
lage. Married for his first wife, Abigail , 

for his second wife, Lydia . Died 1764, 

a. 85. Was a member of the 1st Church, Sa- 
lem. He and his brother George were peti- 
tioners for the South Danvers Church, called 
at that time the Middle Precinct, in March, 
1710-11. Was a substantial land holder. — 
"Will dated June 2-1, 1700. Sons Ehonezer and 
Henry, executors. Proved June 25, 1761. — 
Left the Jacobs' homestead to his son Ebeuez- 
er. Children of John and Abigail : 4 Abigail, 
bap. Sept 1, 1706, at the First Church, Sa- 
lem. Was living in 1760, the date of her fa 
ther's will, m. a Felton ; 4 John, bap. July 25, 
1708, at the First Church, Salem. Lived in 
Sutton, Ms., and died previous to 1758, and 
left one son, 5 John, whose posterity are proba- 
bly living in that vicinity; 4 Daniel, bap. Nov. 
5, 1711, at the First Church, Salem. Lived 
in Danvers to an advanced age; 4 Ebenezer, 
bap. May 15, 1715, at th6 So. Church, Dan- 
vers, m. Elizabeth Cutler, dau. of Cornelius 
Cutler; 4 Desire, bap. May 15, 1715, at the 
So. Church, Danvers : d. previous to 1758 ; 
m. a Porter, and left children, mentioned in 
her father's will ; *Sarab, bap. July 14, 1717, 
at the So. Church, Danvers; m. an Andrews, 
and was living in 1700, the date of her fath- 

Marv Won.imnn Dec 10, 1741. Children. 6 EIias 
m. Mary Dornuin uf Wells, Angus* 1768; 5 George 
m- Hepsibah Brown Feb 1779; s Deborah m Ja. 
bezDorman of Arundellj May 1780; Monathan 
m. 1st Sarah Tenney D( c 26, 1782, m. 2d Re 
becca 8. Emerv Feb- 1784 ; 6 Samuel m. Hannah 
Hubbard Dec. 13, 1785. 

Fifth Generation. 

•Elias Jacobs lived in Wells. Me., married Mary 
Dorman August 1768. Children, ^Hannah m. 
James Maxwell; 6Aar>n m. Sarah Stover of 
York, Feb. 1804; 6.j n hn m. Abigail Phillips of 
York May 1804 5 ccjbediah m. Lucretia Liltle- 
field Sept. 1813 

er's will ; 4 Elizabeth, bap. Sept. 27, 1719, at 
the So. Church, Danvers; m. John Endicott, 
May 18, 1738 ; d. Aug. 1809, a. 90: children 
by Lydia , 4 llenry, bap. May 21, 1721 : was 
living in 1706, per receipt for his portion left 
him by his father ; no further memorial of 
him — probably the father of Henry Jacobs, 
killed at Lexington, April 19, 1775 ; 4 Lvdia, 
bap. July 2-5, 1725 ; was living in 1760, the 
date of" her father's will ; m. John Small. 
fourth Generation. 
4 Daniel Jacob* bap. Nov. 5, 1711, at the 1st 
Church, Salem. Was a cordwainer by trade in 
early life, then a farmer. Lived in Danvers to 
an advanced age — residence on the Salem boun- 
dary line in North Fields. Married Sarah 
Dudley of Boston June 17, 1735. Died in tho 
family of his son-in-law, Gen'l Gideon Foster, 
Oct 1809, in his 99th year. The following 
is an extract from an obituary notice of him : 
•'Mr. Jacobs possessed great vigor in his old 
age. He was mowing in his field after he pass- 
ed 90. He had an uncommon cheerfulness of 
temper, &a relish of life till irs close. His sister 
who married into the family of Gov. Endicott, 
died lately, above 90 years of age." One of 
the descendants of Mr. Jacobs remembers dis- 
tinctly seeing him saddle his horse and ride off 
like a young man, when he was upwards of 95 
years of age. Children— 5 Daniel, b. Aug. 22, 
1737. Was living in New Hampshire in 1701. 
where probably his posterity are at present re. 

siding; 7*** ^emini. b. Aus. 21..1739; 

Jonathan $ no memorial of him ; 
^Benjamin, b. March 24, 1740-1, m. Sarah 
xMoulton ; ^Abigail, b. April 15, 1743, m. Put- 
nam Cleaves, and had 3 children, 6 Daniel, a 
Daughter 6 Sarah and 6 Abigail, who m. 
Amos King. Daniel removed to Saco, Me. 
and had children 'Daniel, 7 Sarah, 'Mary, 7 A1- 
mira ; "Desire, b. Dec. 21, 1740, m. Zachariah 
King, ch 6 Zachariah, G Daniel, 6 Amos, de- 
sire, c Eben'r, cJonathan, 'Samuel, 6 Mary ; 
6 Lydia, b. Aug 24, 1743, m. John Tn^ker. ch. 
Mohn, 6 Andrew & 6 Betsey, gemini, ^Jonathan, 
c Gideon, 6 Marcia, 6 Sam'l D, 6 Mary , 5 Marcia, 
b. Oct. 6, 1750, m. Gen'l Gideon Foster, ch., 


'Gideon, 6 John, «Mareia, and another 6 daugh- 

4 Ebenezer Jacobs, bap. May 15, 1715, at 
the South Church, Danvers. Lived upon the 
old homestead, m. Elizabeth Cutler. Died in 
1793. Will dated 13th Feb'y, 1790. Proved 
13th Nov. 1793, son Eben'r and wife Eliza- 
beth, Executors. Children — 6 Ebenezer, 5 Abi- 
gail, *Hannah, 6 Elizabeth ; the last three died 
before their father, and are not mentioned in 
his will. 

Fifth Generation. 

*Benjamin Jacobs, b. March 4, 1740 1, m. 
Sarah Moulton about 1770. Lived in South 
Danvers. Children of Benjamin and Sarah—-- 
6 Sally, b. 1771 : 6 Lydia, b. 1773 ; e Benjamin, 
b. July 17, 1775 ; e xMartha, b. 1779. 

*Ebenezer Jacobs, uncertain when born. Liv- 
ed in the old Jacobs homestead in Danvers, left 
him by his father, m. Eunice lucker. Children. 
6 Ebenezer, b. Feb'y 17, 1783, m. Phebe Mar- 
tin, of Andover, and had 5 children. 7 John D, 
7 Warren Martin, 7 Elizabeth Cutler, 7 Martha 
Frye D, 7 Martha Martin ; 6Jonathan, b. 1785, 
d. 1831, unmarried ; ej () | in , D . 1787, d. 1821. 
unmarried ; 6 Aaron, b. 1790, never married ; 
6 William, b. Sept. 22, 1796, married and had 
2 children ; 6 Allen, b. Oct. 12, 1800, married 
and had 3 wives and several children. 

Sixth Generation. 
6Benjamin Jacobs, b. July 17. 1775. Lived 
in South Danvers. Was a Ship master, m. 
Sally Poor Jan'y 17, 1802. She died Feb'.y 
29, 1856. Children— 7 Sarah, b. Sept. 19, 
1802, d. Oct. 9, 1802 : 7 Nancy Poor, b. July 
15, 1804, m. Franklin Osborn ; 7 Benjamin, b. 
March 29, 1806, m. two sisters by the name 
ofButtrick; 7 Joseph,b Feb'y 10, 1808, m. 
Susan Wilson ; 7Sarah, b. Aug. 1, 1809, m. 
P L Winchester ; 7 George, b. April 11, 1812, 
d. May 1857 ; ? Richard, b. Aug. 14, 1813, m 
Sarah Nourse ; 7 Mary Abbott, b. May 10, 
1815, m. R. Smith, d. March 1857; 7 Eliza 
Ann. b. July 28, 1817, m. E. F. Lamson ; 
7Su8an Poor, b. April 23, 1819, m. Francis 


From the Gazette of February ith, 1806. 
Mr. Cushing. — Perhaps the following list of brick 
buildings in Salem may come within the request of 
your correspondent "Caution," who has de«ired a, 
communication of any facts connected with the sub- 
ject, which ho is discussing. I have made the list 
with care, and I believe it contains all our brick 
buildings. The dates placed against some of them 
are intended to show when they were built or fin- 
ished. Some of your correspondents, I hope, will 
correct any errors they may discover in the list. It 
will be a curious fact in the history of Salem, (which 
was settled three years betore Boston,) that at the 
beginning of the year 1806, there were but fifty 
buildings (out of about 2000, entirely of brick in 
the whole town. fact. 

Ward No. 1. 

Essex Street, 

E. S. Lang, 




Benj Dodge, 




Henry Ru>t, 


Wash'ton St., 

John Daland, 


Market St., 

Hathorne & Gray, 



Fiih Street, 

Samuel Gray, 


Charter St., 

Gilbert Chadwick, 



Vine Street, 

Jona. Mason, 



Nathan Pierce, 



Water Street, 

Smith & Douglass, 



Neptune St., 

Eliphalet Butuian, 



Union Whf., 

Page & Ropes, 


Derby Street, 

Henry Prince, 



Moses Townsend, 



Ward No. 2. 

Essex Street, 

John Gardner, 




Will in m Gray, 



Chase & Rust 




Jacob P. Rust 


Court Street, 

William Stearns, 


Ward No. 3. 

Essex Street, 

Henry Rust, 



John Ilathorne, 



John Appleton, 




Abel Lawrence, 



Mrs. Haraden, 


Wash'ton St.. 

Joseph Ropes, 




Joshua Ward, 



Summer St , 

Joseph Baker, 


Chestnut St., 

Daniel Gregg, 




Jonathan Hodges, 




Thomas Saunders, 



Warren St., 

Chas. Cleveland, 



Ward No. 4. 

Essex Street, 

Albert Gray, 
Daniel Saunders, 
Robert Peele, 




Court Street, John Derby, 

« Archelau* Kea, 

Boston Street, Jonathan Dean, 


Buildings of other descriptions.— Court House, in 
Court Street: Baptist Meeting House, Marlboro St.; 
Salem Bank, Essex St.; Sugar House. Ash St.; R. 
Stone's Distillery, Neptune St. ; John Norris's Dis- 
tillery, Water St ; Win. Gray's Stable, St. Peter's 
St.; two workshops of one rtory, in Derby St.; Fort 
Pickering on Winter Island; Powder House, in the 
Great Pasture. Total, 11. 

Buildings partly of brink. — Sun Tavern, Essex St. ; 
Capt. Sage's House, Essex St.; Ebenezer Rmit!,, Es- 
sex St.; John Watson, Union St.; John Bust's, Coun- 
ty St. ; Widow of Daniel Rust, County St.; Jo-iah 
Parsons, Water St. ; James Pope's Marlborough St. ; 
Rev. Mr. Spiiulding's, Summer St ; Wm. Fabens's, 
High St.; Stephen Phillips's, Chestnut St.: Richard 
Savary's, Briggs Court. Total, 12. 



Read at a meeting of the. Essex Institute, Thursday, 
March 11, 1858. 

Before entering upon our subject, it will be 
necessary to notice the condition of the people 
at Salem Village, previous to the settlement of 
Rev. Joseph Green. 

After the frenzy of 1692 had subsided, and 
a comparative calm had succeeded this violent 
storm, its inhabitants began more fully to re- 
alize the extent of their misfortunes. During 
the excitement in the summer of 1692, they 
were only intent upon endeavoring to save 
themselves and their friends from imprison- 
ment and death. But when the witchcraft 
delusion had subsided, they felt most severely 
the confiscation of their property, the imposi- 
tion of lines, and the suspension of agricultu- 
ral labor, and the consequent loss of their 
crops. We have documentary evidence of a 
large amount of property being taken from 
those accused of witchcraft, and expenses in- 
curred ; for which they were but partially re- 
munerate 1 by the Geniral Court. Their peti- 

tions for relief disclose their sad condition, 
and they appear to have been even more de- 
sirous that the attainders should be taken off, 
than to receive remuneration for their losses. 
The following is the petition of Elizabeth Co- 
rey, daughter of Giles Corey, for aid : — 

"To the Honourable Commite, apointed by 
the General Courte to make Enquire with Re- 
spect to the Sufferings in the year 1692 : — 
These are to give you a short account of our 
Sorrows and Sufferings, which was in the year 
1692. Sometime in March, our honored fath- 
er & mother, Giles Corey & Martha his wife, 
was accused for soposed witchcraft, and im- 
prisoned & was Removed from one prison to 
another, as from Salem to Ipswich, & from 
Ipswich to Boston, and from Boston to Salem 
again, and so remained in close imprisonment 
about four months. We ware at the whole 
charge of their maintenance, which was very 
chargeable, and so much the more, being so 
farr a distance ( 'rom us, also by reason of so 
many removes, in all which we could doe no 
less than accompanie them, which further add- 
ed both to our trouble and charge, and al- 
though that was very great, it is the least of 
our grevence or cause of these lines. But that 
which bieaks our hearts, and for which we 
goe a mourning still, is that our father was 
put to Soe Cruell and painfull a death as be- 
ing prest to death •; our mother was put to 
Death also, though in another way. As we 
cannot sufficiently express our Grief for the 
loss of our lather & mother in such a way, So 
we cannot Compute our Expences and Cost ; 
but shall Comit to your wisdome to judge of. 
But, after our father's death, the Sheriff 
threatened te seize our father's Estate, and for 
fear thereof wee Complied with him, and paid 
him Eleven pounds six shillings in monie, by 
all which we have been greatly damnified and 
impoverished, by being exposed to sell crea- 
tures and all other things for a little more 
than half the worth of them, to get the money 
to pay as aforesaid, and to maintain our fath- 
er and mother in prison. But that which is 


grievous to us is. that we are not only im- 
poverished but also Reproached, and so may 
be to all generations, and that wrongfully 
tew, unless something be done for the remov- 
ing thereof. All which we humbly Committ 
to the honourable Oourte, Praying God to di- 
rect to that which may bee acceptable in his 
sight, and for the good of this land. 
September ye 13/A, 1710 

We cannot Judge our necessary Expense to 
be less than Ten pounds. Wee subscribe your 
humble Servants in all Chri>tian obediance. 

Elizabeth Corey, daughter of Giles jCorey, 
in behalf of the rest of the familie. 

To the Honerd Commity apointed by the 
General Court to Inquire into the names prop- 
er to be inserted in the bill for takeing off the 
Attainder, and what damages They Sustained 
by their prosecutions: — These are to signify 
that T, Philip English., was Imprisoned to- 
gether with my White, in Salem Prison, and 
then carried to Boston Prison, and there lay 
nine weeks; from whence we made our Escape, 
in which time, beside our Charge in flying. 
and had our Estate taken away from the 
Wharf House, at the point of Rocks, to the 
amount of £1183 2 shil. And is a true ac- 
count of what I had seized, taken away, lost 
and embezled, whilst I was in prison, in ye 
year 1692 And whilst on my flight for my 
'life, besides a considerable quantity of house- 
hold goods and other things, which I cannot 
exactly give a particular account, and for all 
which I never Received any other or further 
satisfaction for them, than Sixty Pounds paid 
me by the Administrator of George Cur win, 
late Sheriffe, deceas'd, and the Estate was so 
seized and taken away Chiefly by the Sheriffe 
and his under officers, notwithstanding I had 
given four thousand Pound B*»nd with Suritv 
at Boston. Philip English. 

The Honorable Committee now sitting in 
Salem, Sept. 13th, 1710. Whereas, my moth- 
er, Ann Foiter of Andover, Suffered Imprison- 

ment 21 weeks, and upon her Tryall was con- 
demned for supposed witchcraft, upon such 
evidence as now is Generally thought Insuffi- 
cient, and died in Prison ; 1 being well per- 
swaded of my mother's Innocency of the crime 
for which she was condemned. I Humbly De- 
sire that the Attainder may be taken off. The 
Charges and Expenses for my mother during 
her Imprisonment, is as follows : — 

The money which I was forced to pay the 
Keeper before I could have the dead body of 
my mother, to bury her, was £2 10h ; money 
& provisions expended w iile she was in Pris- 
on, £4; total expences, 6 pounds 10 Shil- 

Abram Foster, the son of the Deceased. 

To the Honored Committee, appointed by 
ye Generall Court to Inquire into ye names of 
such fts may be meet for takeing off ye Attain- 
der, and for ye makeing some Restitution ; 
and these Humbly and Sorrowfully Shew that 
our Dear and Honored father, Mr. George 
Burroughs, was aprehended in April, 1692, 
at Weils, and Imprisoned several months in 
Boston and Salem Jails, and at last condemned 
& executed for witchcraft, which we have all 
ye reason in ye world to believe he was inno- 
cent of. 3y his careful catechizing his chil- 
dren and upholding religion in his family, and 
bv his solemn and Savory written Instructions 
from Prison. We were left a parsell of small 
children, helpless, and u m other- in -law with 
one small child of her own, whereby she was 
not capable to take care of us, by all which our 
father s Estate was most of it lost and ex- 
pended. We cannot tell certainly what ye 
loss may be, but ye least we can Judge, by 
best information, it was fifty pounds, beside 
ye damage that has accrued to us many ways 
thereby is some hundred pounds W T e ear- 
nestly pray that ye attainder may be taken off, 
and if you please, fifty pounds may be res- 
Charles Burroughs, Elder son, in ye name of 

the rest. 


to the Honored 1 G«>ncrall Courte. now sitting 
in Boston this 12th of October, 1692 ; - 

Right honored Gentlemen and Fathers. — 
We, your humble petitioners, whose names 
are underwritten, petition your honors as fol- 
lowefih : — We would not trouble you with a 
Tedious diversion, but briefly spread open our 
distressed conditi n, and beg your honors' fa- 
vour and pity in affording what relief nry be 
thought Convenient. As for The matter of 
our Troubles, it is the distressed condition of 
our wives and Relations in prison at Salem, 
who are a company of poor, distressed crea- 
tures, as full of inward grief and Trouble as 
they are able to bear up in life with all. And 
besides the agrivation of outward Troubles and 
hardships they undergo, want of food, and 
the coldness of the winter season that is com- 
ing, may sojn dispatch such out of the way, 
that have not been used to such hardships.— 
And besides this, the exceeding great Charges 
and expences that we are at, upon many ac- 
counts, which will be to Tedious to give a par- 
ticular accouut of, which will fall heavy upon 
us, especially in a time of so great charge ant* 
expence upon a general accouut in the Coun- 
ty, which is expected ol us to bear a part as 
well as others ; which, if put all together, 
our lamilies & estates will be brought to Ruin, 
if it cannot in time be prevented. Having 
spread open our condition, we humbly make 
our address to your Honours, to Grant that 
our wives and Relations, being such that have 
been approved as penitent confessors, might be 
returned home to us upon what bond your 
honors may see good, we do not petition to 
take them out of the hand of Justice but to 
remove them as Prisoners under bonds in their 
own families when they muiy be more tenderly 
cared for, and be ready to appear to answer 
further when the Honored Court shall call for 
them. We humbly dave your honors favor 
and pitty for us and oun. Having set down 
our Troubled State before you we heartily 
pray for your Honors. 

John Osgood in behalf of his wife. 

John Fry in behalf of his wife. 

John Marston, in behalf oi his wife. Ma- 
ry Marston. 

Christopher Osgood, in behalf of his daugh- 
ter, Mary Marston. 

Joseph Wilson, in behalf of his wife. 

John Bridges, in behalf of his wife and 

Hope Tyler, in behalf of his wife and daugh- 

Ebenezer Barker, for his wife. 

Nathaniel Dane, for his wife. 

To the Honored General Court sitting in Bos- 

The humble Petition of Thomas Heart. In- 
habitant at Lynn, sheweth that whereas Eliza- 
beth Hart, mother to the Petitioner, was tak- 
en into Custody in the latter end of May last, 
and ever since committed to prison in Boston 
Jail , for Witchcraft, though in all which 
time nothing has appeared against her where- 
by to reuder her deserving of Imprisonment or 
death. The petitioner being obliged by all 
Christian duty as becomes a child to parents 
to make application for the Inlargement of his 
said mother, heing ancient and not able to un- 
dergo the hardships that is Inflicted from ly- 
ing in misery, and death is rather to be chosen 
than life in her circumstances. The father of 
the petitioner being ancient and decripit, was 
wholly unable to attend in this matter, and 
petitioner having lived from his childhood un- 
der the same roof with his said mother he dare 
presume to affirm that he never saw, nor knew, 
any ill or sinful practice wherein there was any 
shew of Impiety, nor witchcraft by her, and 
were it otherwise he would not for the world, 
and all the Enjoyments thereof, Nurish or 
support any creature that ye knew engaged in 
the Drugery of Satan. It is well known to 
all the neighbours that the petitioners mother 
has Lived a sober and Godly life always ready 
to discharge the p.irt of a good Christian, and 
never deserving of affliction's from ye hand's 
of men for any thing ot this Dature. May it 


humbly therefore please your Honored Court 
to take this mutter into your Confederation, in 
order to the Speedy Inlargeuaent of this per- 
son. So much abused, and the petioner ae in 
Duty bound shall Ever pray. 

Thomas Hart. 
Dated the 19th of Oct. 1692. 

To the Honourable General Court now sitting 

in Boston. 

Th"i Humble Petition of Nicholas Rist of 
Reading — Showeth, that whereas Sara Rist 
wife to the petitioner, was taken into Custo- 
dy the first day of June last, and ever since 
lain in Boston Jail, for witchcraft, though in 
all this time nothing has been made to appear 
for which she deserved Imprisonment or death, 
the petitioner has been a husband to the said 
woman above twenty years* in all which time 
he never had reason to accuse her for any Im- 
posture or Witchcraft, but the contrary — She 
lived with him as a good faithful, dutiful wife 
and always had respect to the ordinances of 
God, while her strength remained, and the pe- 
titioner on that consideration is obliged in 
conscience and Justice, to use all lawfull 
means for the support and preservation of her 
life ; and it is deplorable that in old age, the 
poor decreped woman should be under confine- 
ment so long in a stinking Jail, when her cir- 
cumstances rather requires a nurse to attend 
her. May it therefore please your honors, to 
take this matter into your prudent considera- 
tion, and direct some speedy methods whereby 
this ancient decrepid person may not forever 
be in such misery, wherein her life is made 
more afflictive to her than death, and the peti- 
tioner shall, as in duty bound, Ever pray. 

Nicholas Rial. 

To the Honourable Committee, Bitting in Sa- 
lem, Sept. 13th. 1710. 

An account of what was seized and taken a- 
way. by the Sheriff, or his deputy, and assis- 
tants, out ot the Estate of Samuel Wardwell, 
late of Andover, Deceased, who suffered the 
pain of Death, under condemnation on the [ 

sorrowfull tryals for witchcraft, in the year 
1692. Seized and taken away : — 

£ Shil. d, 

5 Cows, at 2 pounds apiece, 10 
I Heifer and a Yearling, - - 2 5 9 
1 Horse, ... 3 

9 Hogs, 7 

8 Loads Hay, 4 

A set of Carpenter's Tools, - - 1 10 

6 acres of Corn upon the ground, 9 

£ 36 15 

Abigail Faulkner, of Andover, who received 
a pardon from Governor Phipps, in her peti- 
tion, says: ' 'The pardon so far had its effect 
as that I am as yet suffered to live, but this 
only as a malefactor, convicted upon record of 
ye most beinious crimes, that mankind can be 
supposed to be guilty, which, besides its utter 
Ruining and Defaming my Reputation, will 
certainly Expose myself to Iminent Danger by 
new accusations, which will thereby be ye 
more readily believed, will remain a perpetual 
brand of Infamy upon my family. Do hum- 
bly pray that this High & honourable Court 
will please to take my case into Serious Con- 
sideration, and order the Defacing of ye rec- 
ord against me r so that I may be freed from 
ye evil consequences Thereof." Others petition- 
ed that something might be done, to take off 
the infamy from the names and memory of 
those, who have suffered from witchcraft, and 
that none of their surviving relatives, nor their 
posterity might suffer reproach upon that ac- 
count. But how little do we know of the es- 
timation posterity will form of our actions.— 
The ignominy thev so much dreaded, has long 
since passed from them, without the much 
sought intervention of the General Court, and 
fastened itself upon their accusers, and the 
originators of this strange delusion. 
The people of Salem Village, after the sad occur- 
rences of 1692, which left them in a broken and 
distracted state, were fortunate in their choice of 
a pastor, Rev, Joseph Green, who was em- 
inently qualified to heal all past difficulties, 
and restore order & harmony. Mr. Green was 


Ordained over the Church at the Village, Nov. 
10th, 1098. The churches represented upon 
tho occasion, were from Beverly, Wenham, 
Reading & Roxbury. His salary was eighty 
pounds & thirty cords of wood It appears 
from the church records, that he took an early 
opportunity to induce its members to admit to 
their communion the three dissenting brethren, 
John Tarbell, Thomas Wilkins & Samuel 
Nourse, and their wives, who were leaders in 
the oppo8ition against Rev. Samuel Parris, in 
1092. After several attempts, Mr. Green suc- 
ceeded in persuading his church to revoke the 
sentence of excommunication against Martha 
Corey, who was executed for witchcraft. — 
And it was during his ministry, that Ann Put- 
nam was admitted to full communion with the 
church, upon her humble confession. 

Aun apologises for her conduct, by disclaim 
ing the indulgence of anger, malice, or ill will 
against those she accused, and says she was 
deluded by Satan, in her false accusations. — 
And it is a singular fact, worth remembering, 
as an exhibition of human nature, that all 
those, who were in any way connected with 
wuclicratt at .^alem Village, after tho excite- 
ment had subsided, excused themselves for 
their participation in its toliies, by casting the 
whole blame upon the devil, and asserting they 
"Were wholly unable to withstand his delusions. 

Mr, Green was called from his labors at Sa- 
lem Village, by death, Nov. 26, 1715, in the 
fortieth year ol his age. He graduated at 
Cambridge College, in 1695, & married Eliza 
beth, daughter of Mr. Gerrish, of Wenham. 
lie baptised during his ministry of 18 years, 
106 adults, and 528 children. During his 
residence at the Village, the half way cove- 
nant was introduced. Mr, Green was an emi- 
nent peace maker, and labored to remove the 
many difficulties in his church, which arose in 
Mr. Parris's ministry, and happily succeedjd. 
Ho appears to have been highly esteemed by 
all who knew him, and his removal by death 
was sincerely lamented. He was buried in 
the Wadsworth burial ground, in Danvers, 
Where a slab of black elate was erected at the 

head of his grave, now in a good state of pres- 
ervation, with the following inscription : — 

Sub Hoc Cse^pe, 
Requiescunt, in epe Beatse Resurectionis, 
Reliquiae Reverendi D. Joseph Green, A. M., 
Hujusce Ecclesiae Per XVIII Annorum Fere 

Pastoris Vigilantissimi, 
Viri Sempiterna memoria Tenendi, 
Turn Gravitate Doctrinas Turn Suavitate mo- 
Qui Decessit ex hie aerumnosa vita sexto 
Calendas Decembres Anno Domini MDCCXV, 
Impleverat jam annum quadragessimum.* 

The following notice of his death is to be 
seen in the church records, in the hand writing 
of Dea. Edward Putnam : — "Then was the 
choicest flower and goodliest tree in the garden 
of our God, here cut down in its prime and 
flourishing state, at the age of 40 years and 21 
day*; who had been a faithful embassador 
fjom God to us, 18 years. Then did that 
bright star set, and never more to appear here 
among us, then did our sun go down, and now 
what darkness is come among us. Put away 
and pardon all our iniquities, oh ! Lord, which 
has been the cause of thy sore displeasure, and 
again return to us in mercy, and provide yet 
again for this thy flock, a Pastor after thine 
own heart, as thou hast promised in thy word, 
in which promise we here hope, for we are call- 
ed by thy name, oh, Leave us not. ,? 

A meeting ol the Village Church, was held at 
the house of Dea. Putnam, the 19th of April, 


Under this sod, 
Lie in hope of a happy resurrection, 
The remains ot the Reverend deceased Joseph 

Green, A. M., 
Of this church for nearly the period of eighteen 

A most vigilant Pastor, 

A man to be held in perpetual remembrance, 
JBoth for seriousness of discourse and agreeableness 

of manners, 
Who departed from a laborious life in this place on 

the Gth day 
Of the calends of December in the year of the Lord, 

He had just completed his fortieth year. 


1717, for the purpose of looking to God for di- 
rection in settling a minster. The church vot- 
ed, that Capt. Putnam, Deacon Putnam, and 
Mr. Cheever, be a Committee to present their de- 
sires to the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark, and request 
him to settle with them in the ministry, and 
make a report to the church in due time. Mr. 
Clark made answer to the call of the church 
as follows : — 

April 23d, 1717. 
To the church of Christ, at Salem Village. 

My answer to your request, brethren and 
friend?, duly respected in the Lord, I thankful- 
ly received this testimony of your love, and res- 
pect towards me; in calling me, tho' little wor- 
thy in my sel c , to the office of a Pastor, among 
you, wherefore I do hereby testify my accep- 
tance, and shall according to the grace and a- 
bility given me of God. be willing to 
you in the office and work of the gospel min- 
istry, as God shall continue my opportunity 
and call, hereunto desiring your prayers to 
God for me. Peter Clark. 

Mr. Clark was ordained June 5th, 1717. — 
The churches present at the ordination, were 
from Beverly, Wenham, Reading & Topsfield. 
He was to receive 90 pounds as his settlement, 
a salary of 90 pounds per annum, and the 
parsonage. Mr. Clark thus notices the great 
earthquake in his church records, Nov. 29th, 
1727. "Being Lords day, at night, between 
10 & 11 o'clock, there happened a very great 
earthquake, accompanied with a terrible noise 
and shaking, which was greatly surprising to 
ye whole land, ye rumbling in ye bowels of 
the earth, with some lesser trepidation of the 
earth, has been repeated at certain times, for 
divers weeks after.'" On the 26th of Nov. 
1729, 24 members of the village church were 
dismissed to help form the church in Middle- 
ton, gathered under the ministry of their first 
Pastor, Rev. Andrew Peters. A little more 
than half a century had now elapsed, since 
the fatal delusion of witchcraft had broken 
out at Salem Village, and it is probable there 
were some aged members of the .church, who 

remembered that sad event, and had ever been 
vigilant and careful to repress any approach 
towards divination, or the supposed practices 
of witches. Mr. Clark may have entertained 
the notion held by Dr. William Douglas, tho 
author of the "Historical Summary,'' that 
witchcraft, enthusiasm and other maniac dis- 
orders, was endemial in Salem and its neigh- 
borhood and being like its weeds, indigenous 
to its soil, required a Pastor's watch and care 
to notice their first appearance and root them 
out. But we have no evidence that such was 
his belief; he properly entertained a convic- 
tion, that divination, invoking the dead or 
spiritualism, witchcraft and diabolism, and 
their kindred arts should not be practised in a 
Christian Church. There being reports that 
reputed witches were in the village, and were 
practising their arts by divination &c, and 
that members of the parish were consulting 
them, Mr. Clark immediately cailcd together 
the church on the 5th of Sept. 174G, to make 
enquiry into the matter, and the following 
votes were passtd at the meeting. 1st That 
for christians, especially church members, to 
seek to and consult reputed witches, or fortune 
tellers, this church is clearly of the opinion 
and firmly believes, on ye testimony of ve 
word of God, is highly injurious and scanda- 
lous, being a violation of the christian cove- 
nant involved in baptism, rendering ye persons 
guilty of it, subject to ye just censure of ye 
church No proof appearing against any mem- 
ber of ye church (some of whom had been 
strongly suspected of this crime) so as to con- 
vict them of their being guilty, it was further 
voted, 2nd, That ye pastor in ye name of ye 
church, should publicly testify their disappro- 
bation and abhorrence of this infamous and 
ungodly practice of consulting witches or for- 
tune letters, or any :hat are reputed such, 
exhorting all under their watch, who may be 
guilty of it, to an hearty repentance and re- 
turning to God, fervently seeking forgiveness 
in ye blood of Christ, and warning all against 
ye like practice for ye time to come. 


The next Sabbath, Sept. 7th, this testimony, 
exhortation and warning was publicly read to 
the congregation from the pulpit by the pas- 
tor. These old women, who so troubled Mr. 
Clark in 1740 were the last witches (we mean 
diabolical ones) seen at Salem Village. Young 
and elderly ladies still continue however to 
meet there, as in olden time, in circles and 
classes, and it is supposed they have not lost 
any of their bewitching arts, but fortunately 
they are not exercised in the same way as in 
1692. The last record made by Mr. Clark in 
the church book was Nov. 8th, 1707, at which 
time'his health failed, and he was compelled 
to forego the labors of the pltlpit. He contin- 
ued to decline during the early part of the 
season of 1708, frequently attempting to 
preach, and often failing. The last time he 
appeared before his people, he faltered in the 
service, and leaned against the pulpit, which 
one of his deacons noticing, he went to his 
assistance, and led him home. His death oc- 
curred soon after June 10th, 1708, and is thus 
noticed by Dea. Asa Putnam in the records, 
"Now it has pleased God in his holy Provi 
dence, to take away from us our dear and Rev. 
Pastor by death, Mr. Peter Clark, who de 
parted this life, June ye 10th, 17G8, in ye 70 
year of his ago, and on ye 15th day was his 
funeral. It was attended with great solemni- 
ty; his corpse was carried into the meeting- 
house, and prayer was made by ye Rev. Mr. 
Diman of Salem. A sermon was delivered by 
Rev. Mr Birn&rd of Salem, from Gal. 3 chap 
11 verse. It was then removed to the grave, 
with the church walking before the corpse as- 
sisted by twelve bearers, with a great con- 
course of people following. After his inter- 
ment we left his deceased body in ye dust, for 
worms to feed upon, which we took so much 
delight and satisfaction in. lie is gone, who 
has been so faithful in ye ministry among this 
people, the number of fifty one years — Now he 
is gone, never to see his face no more in this 
world, no more to hear the precious instruc- 
tions, and examples out of his mouth in pub- 
lic, or in private. That ye God of all grace 

would be pleased to sanctify this great be- 
reavement to this church and congregation for 
good, and in his own due time give us another 
Pastor after his own heart, to feed thin people 
with truth, knowledge and understanding that 
this church may not be left like sheep with- 
out a shepherd. But of these things he will 
be enquired of, O house of Israel to do it for 

Mr. Clark, during his ministry of 51 
years, baptised 40 aduits, 1,220 children and 
admitted 309 persons into his church. He 
was buried in the Wadsworth burying ground 
in Danvers, with the following inscription up- 
on his grave stone: 

"Here lies Intombed the remains of the Rev. 
Mr. Peter Clark, for about 51 years the pain- 
ful, laborious, and faithful pastor of the first 
Church in this town. He was a great Divine; 
an accomplished Christian, in whose character 
ye most exemplary patience, humility and 
meekness, were illustriously displayed. He 
was born March 12th, 1093, Graduated at 
Harvard College in Cambridge 1712, ordained 
pastor of ye Church in this town, June 5th, 
1717. He lived much esteemed and respected, 
and after a long life spent in ye service of re- 
ligion, He died much lamented June 10th, 
1708, JStatis 70. 

Wrapt in his arms, -who bled on Calvary's plain, 
We murmur not Blest shade, nor dare complaine; 
Fled to those seats where \ erfect Spirits Shine, 
We mourn our lot, yet still rejoice ; n thine; 
Taught by thy tongue, By thy example led, 
We Blessed thee living, and revere thee Bead. 
Sleep here thy Dust, till the Last Trump shall Sound, 
Then shalt thou rise, and be with perfect Glory 

Mr. Barnard, in his funeral sermon, observes 
that Mr. Clark w r as well acquainted with an- 
cient & modern learning, his style pure, ner- 
vous & clear, cool or pathetic, as his subject 
required ; and by means of his conversing 
much with the best modern authors, more ele- 
gant & pleasing to the politer world than most 
of his equals in age. His printed works are 
somewhat numerous upon many public occa- 


sions, ho being the most voluminous writer 
that ever lived in Darners. Mr. Clark preach- 
ed the Artillery Election Sermon in 1730, Con- 
vention Sermon in 1745, Dudleian Senium in 
1703, & the Eleciion Sermon in 1739. I have 
in my possession two sermons preached by 
him, the first to a society of young men in the 
North Parish in Danvers, Dec. 15th 1757 ; 
the second, a sermon from Psal. 119, 109th 
verse, containing "A word in Season to Sol- 
diers, preached April 0th, 1755 being Lords 
Day before muster ol a number of Soldiers in 
the North Parish in Danvers, who had enlLted 
in the public service of the King and Country, 
in the intended Eastern expedition." Most of 
the recruits put up notes on the occasion, re- 
questing prayers of the congregation. Sere 
of them requested that "God would preserve 
them, especially from sin, and some of them ad 
ded, the "worst of evils." .Mr. Clark was fond 
of controversy, and wrote several books in de- 
fence of original sin, and in favor of infant 
baptism. After his death, the people in the 
North Parish in Danvers, invited Mr. Amos 
Sawyer to settle with them in the ministry, 
who accepted the invitation, but died before 
the time appointed for his ordination. An in- 
vitation was then extended to Mr. Joseph Cur- 
rier to become their Pastor, but in consequence 
of some difficulties arising in the Parish, he 
gave his answer in the negative. On the 30th 
of August, 1772, the church voted to give the 
Rev. Benjamin Wadsworth a call, who re- 
turned the following answer : 

To the North church & congregation in Dan- 
vers. Dearlybeloved in Christ : — 

"Whereas, the great Governor of the Uni- 
verse has, in his wise Providence, (some time 
since,) removed your former Reverenc 1 , wor- 
thy and very laborious pastor, into the land 
of silence ; and your desire for the resettlement 
of the Gospel ministry has evidenced itself in 
your invitation of me (unwoithy as I am,) to 
that important work ; tho' it must be con- 
fessed the voice of all the people did not unite 
in' the call, yet as the answer has been deferred 
for a considerable time, the practical language 

of your offering no objection to me, I can't 
but suppose speaks your general concurrence. 

Alture mature deliberation, and many anxious 
thoughts upon a matter of so great conse- 
quence, both to yourselves and me, having 
been importunate with God for direction, and 
sought the advice of men, 1 have concluded to 
accent of your invitation upon the terms pro- 
posed, humbly confiding in the great head of 
the church for assistance faithfully to discharge 
the duty incumbent upon a minister of the 
Gospel, and in your goodness for a comforta- 
ble subsistence, if what you have already pro- 
posed for that end should piove insufficient- 
And ask your earnest prayers for me, that a 
divine blessing may attend all my ministerial 
labors, and that I may obtain grace to be 
faithful, and mercy to be successful, heartily 
wishing that grace, mercy and peace may be 
the stability of our times. Thus I subscribe 
myself your affectionate friend & servant in 
the Lord. Benjamin Wadsworth. 

Milton, Nov. 5th, 1772. 
Mr. Wadswor:h was ordained Dec. 23, 
1772, and the following persons were present : 
Dr. Apphton from Cambridge, Mr. Bobbins 
from Milton, Mr. Morrell from Wilmington, 
Mr. Dunbar from Stoughton, Mr. Williams 
from Weymouth, Mr. Diman from Salem, 
Mr. Holt from South Danvers. Mr. Smith from 
Middleton, Mr. Stone from Beading, Mr. 
Swain from Wenham, and Mr. Sherman from 
Woburn. The records of the church inform 
us "that Mr. Holt opened the solemnities by 
prayer ; Mr. Robbins preached from Eph. 2d 
17th. Mr. Morrill prayed and gave the 
charge, and Mr. Smith gave the right hand of 
fellowship. All the services was carried on 
with order and decency. May heaven smile up- 
on the services of the day." I have been in- 
formed by aged people, who were present at 
the ordination, that the day was so mild and 
pleasant, the windows of the church were 
raised. It was a scene of great festivity 
throughout the parish ; all the houses were 
open, and these failing to accommodate the 
concourse of people, tents were erected in the 


fields opposite the meeting house for th< ir use. 
Mr. Wadsworth, at the time of his ordination, 
was 22 years of age. Tlie nnmber of male 
members belonging to the church at the com- 
mencement of his ministry , was 45; females, 
91. Nov. 3d, 1775 — The church voted to 
sing out of Dr. Watts's hymns on trial for 8 
weeks On Monday, Sept. 23d, 1805, the so- 
ciet}' met with a severe loss, their meeting- 
house being destroyed by fire. It was discov- 
ered about 4 o'clock in the morning, & was 
supposed to be the work of an incendiary. — 
The following Sabbath the society worshipped 
in the school house in District No 5, where a 
sermon was preached by Mr. Wadsworth, 
from Isaiah, G4th chap. 11th verse. Dec. 
26th was observed by the society as a day of 
humiliation, fasting and prayer, on account 
of the loss of their meeting house. The church 
met to consult on measures for supplying the 
sacramental table with suitable furniture. — 
The set of table service in the house at the 
time of the fire, consisted of two flagons & two 
tankards of pewter, and eight silver cups, val- 
ued about 30 dollars each. They were pre- 
sented to the church by different individuals, 
and as the silver was not found after the fire, 
it was supposed they were taken by a sacri- 
legious hand. 

The Parish held a meeting Oct. 4th, for the 
purpose of seeing wha : action they would take 
in regard to building a new meeting house. — 
They voted unanimously to rebuild, and on 
the 2d of November contracted with Col. Eb- 
enezer G.,odale to build a brick house for the 
sum of $10,000, to be completed by the 1st of 
Sept., 1800. On the 21st day of May, 1800, 
the building was commenced. On Thursday, 
the 20th of November following, on a fine, pleas- 
ant day, the new brick meeting house was 
dedicated. Public worship was first held in 
the house Nov. 23. 1806, and on Monday, the 
8th of December following, the pews were 
sold. Mr. Wadsworth wis honored with the 
degree of Doctor of Divinity from Harvard 
College in 1816. July 18th, 1819, the 
scriptures were first read in public. 

The last record in the church book made by 
Dr. Wadsworth, was July 18th, 1824. His 
sickness and death are thus recorded by Eleazer 
Putnam, Esq : — 

"Rev. Dr. Wad worth deceased the 18th of 
January, A. D , 1826. after a severe illness of 
ten months. He retained his reason to the 
last moments of his life. He has enjoyed a 
long and peaceful ministry among us His 
funeral was attended the 23d inst., by a large 
concourse of people, and the services were sol- 
emn and appropriate. Rev. Mr. Green ad- 
dressed the throne of Grace, Rev. Mr. Dana 
preached the sermon, and the Rev Dr. Woods 
made the last prayer. "Bles>ed are the dead 
who die in the Lord." He lbs buried in the 
Wadsworth burial ground in Danvers, and the 
following inscription may be seen over his re- 
mains : Consecrated to the memory of Benja- 
min Wadsworth, D. D., a tender, faith I ul 
husband and hither, a valuable friend an i ju- 
dicious counsellor, an exemplary christian, 
and distinguished public servant of the Prince 
of Peace, who entered into his rest Jan 18th, 
A. D , 1826, in the 76th year of his age, and 
54th of his ministry in this place. 

" Tis great to pause and think on what a 
brighter world than this his spirit shines. " 

Near his grave lies buried his colored ser- 
vant, who lived many years in his family. — 
Dr. Wadsworth erected over her remains a 
stone, on which is to be seen the following in- 
scription : In memory of Phebe Lewis, who 
died Jan. 10th, 1823, aged 49 years. She 
shone a blight example of integrity and fidel- 
ity, and proved an ornament to the christian 

Benj. Wadsworth was born in Milton, Mass, 
July 18, 1750, and graduated at Harvard Col- 
lege in 1769. The year succeeding his gradu- 
ation, he was engaged in teaching a school ; 
after which he resided at Cambridge, and pur- 
sued the study of Theology, under the direc- 
tion of Professor Wigglesworth, and in the 
spring of 1772, was licensed to preach. On 
the 23d of December following, he accepted 


the pastoral charge of the First Church in 
Danvers. Enjoying vigorous health, he con- 
tinued to labor without interruption, until the 
last year of his life. He was never detained 
from his pulpit, during his ministry more than 
four or live sabbaths. The whole number of 
persons admitted into the church during Dr. 
Wadsworth s pastorate of 54 years, were 2G0. 
He baptized 810 children, and 86 adults. At 
the period of hii death, there was not a male 
member of his church living, that belonged to 
it when he was ordained, and only two fe- 
males. The following is a list of his publica- 
tions : — 

A Sermon at the ordinatnn of Rev. Josiah 
Badcock,at Andover, N. H , April 30th, 1782. 
A Thanksgiving Sermm in 1795. A Thanks- 
giving Sermon in 1796. Eulogy on Washing- 
ton in 1800 A Sermon at the dedication of 
the Brick Meeting House, Nov. 20th, 1806.— 
A Sermon before the Bible Society, of Salem, 
and its vicinity, in 1815. An Address before 
the Moral Society, in Danvers, for the sup- 
pression of Intemperance, in 1815. A, Ser- 
mon at the installation of Rev. Moses Dow, in 

1815. A Sermon at the Brick Meeting House, 
Nov. 7th. 1816, before the Female Cent Socie- 
ty, in Danvers and Middleton. A Sermon at 
the interment of the Hon. Samuel Holten, in 

1816. A Discourse on the death of Dr. Ma- 
nasseh Cutler, July 28, 1823. A Sermon 
preached upon the death of Benjamin Heze- 
kiah Flint, and Bethiah Sheldon, Nov. 19th, 

Dr. Wadsworth was not, like his predecess- 
or, the Rev. Peter Clark, fond of controversial 
writing, but on the contrary sought and ob- 
tained a peaceful ministry, undisturbed by the 
changes taking place around him. Mr. Clark, 
as a controversialist always had his lance in its 
rest, and was ever ready to shiver it with any 
one, who chose to encounter him. The sala- 
ry of Doct. Wadsworth was small, never ex- 
ceeding $400 per annnm, and would have giv- 
en him a meagre support, had it not been for 
his frugal habits, and the income from prop- 


erfy acquired by marriage. He appears to 
have fully understood that his salary was not 
what it should have been, as in signing his re- 
ceipts for money received from the parish 
treasurer, he sometimes added, "a very inade- 
quate support." As several of his parishoners 
were sea-faring men, he was in the habit of 
making adventures at sea, and not being 
charged for freight or commission it was a 
small source of income to him. Our recollec- 
tion of him is that of a gentleman of the old 
school, dressed in black velvet small clothes, 
with silk stockings, and \ hite topped boots. — 
He wore bands in the pulpit, and blaek silk 
gloves, with the ends of the thumb and fore 
finger cut off, the better to enable him to turn 
over the leaves of his sermon. He was in the 
habit of bowing to the old men, aud his most 
distinguished parishoners, as he passed up the 
broad aisle, first on the one side and then on 
the other. Although in the pulpit, the tone 
of his voice was low and monotonous, and he 
was closely confined to his notes, yet he pos- 
sessed by nature, superior powers of mind. — 
His written productions always evinced a 
sound and discriminating judgment, a vivid 
imagination, and a correct and refined taste. 
He rever presented religion in a harsh or un- 
pleasant manner; but by letting its native at- 
tractions, sliine through the medium ol a rich 
and elevated style, he sought to inspire every 
heart with love to its author. He had a deep 
solicitude for the welfare of the rising genera- 
tion, and would often call together the chil- 
dren and youth in his parish, and with the 
most affectionate tenderness intreat them to re- 
member their Creator, in the morning of life. 
His private character was distinguished by a 
combination of various excellences. His equa- 
nimity of temper was remarkable. Temper- 
auce and prudence combined, with the most 
refined afiability and benevolence, rendered 
him an example of personal and social excel- 
lence. The calm serenity of mind, which he 
manifested, under every dispensation of Provi- 
dence, was not the result of ins?n>ibiliiy ; for 

he had a heart feelingly alive to all the tender 
sympathies of our nature. 

Dr Milton P. Braman, the successor of Dr. 
Wadsworth, in the ministry of the first parish 
in Danvers, was ordained April 12, 182G. 

The ;>.i8toratPS of the three last ministers 
of this ancient church, embraces a period of 
138 years, and is probably without a parallel 
in New England. 



Messrs. Editors. — I send you a copy of a document 
in my possession, which may be rend with some in- 
terest. Tbis paper is in the handwriting of Col 
Timo. Pickering. B. 

"Expences of fitting the Town House in Salem, to 
accommodate the House of Representatives. June, 

£ s d 
Benja. Pickman, Esq., for boards, - 2 14 9 
Josiah Gould, for Carpenter's work, - 1 5 4 
Benj. Ward 3d. ditto A Joists, 19 1 

James Andrew, Carpenter's Work, - 15 4 

Tbos. Brown, ditto - - -18 

Willm. Pickman's acct. for Nail3 - - 1 3 
James Gould, lor Carpenter's Work, - 1 13 10 

10 16 7 

To the honorable House of Representatives of the 

province of Massachusetts Bay: 

May it please your Honours. — We received a letter 
from the Secretary, acquainting Us that his Excel- 
lency the Governor had directed him to desire us to 
make provision for the accommodation of the two 
Houses; in consequence of which we ordered seats 
to be made iu the Town House, where your Honours 
now sit; and the foregoing account shows the ex- 
pences incurred thereby. Many other expences for 
cleansing and repairing, we have omitted; and noth- 
ing is included in the foregoing account but the 
charges necessarily occasioned in erecting those seats. 

We pray yonr Honours' allowance of that account, 

and an order on the Treasurer for the amount there. 


Timo. Pickering, Jan., | gelectmen 


Wm. Pickman, 
Willm. Northey, 
Rich'd Ward. 



Salem. New England, Decem'r 19, 1727. 

Mr. John Touzell — "You are hereby appointed 
Master of my Sloop Endeavour, and being Loaden <fc 
supplyed with what is needful for your voyage, you 
are therefore to take ye first good opportunity of 
wind & weather, & come to Sail with sail vessell, di- 
recting your course and making the best of your 
way for the West Indies; and you may Touch at 
Barbados, St. Christopher's, or AntPgoa or Jamaica, 
atd if any good marketts att any of those Places, 
then you may dispose of my Cargoe I consign you 
by Bill of Loading & Invoice herewith given you, to 
my best advantage, & Purchase a Loading of good 
Mollasses, Some Rum, good Cotton wool, good Cocoa 
Nutts & good Indigo, and any other thing you may 
bring here with Safety, that will turn to advantage, 
or, if the markets are Low at ye English Islands, 
then you may goe & Trade at Guardelupe, Cape Fran- 
cois, or any of the french Islands, where you Can 
gett Permition to Trade, & with Safety, and bring 
my Effects as afioresaid. If you should Trade at 
Martinico, Gett of Mr. Barbolton the Elects of my 
Sloop's Cargo Left iu his hands, of the Last Voyage 
in good Mollasses. Iinploy your Coopers Diligently 
in making Cask for your Mollasses which you pur- 
chase for me, make what Dispatch you Can back to 
New England to me. Leave no debts on my account, 
If possible to avoid itt, Butt Bring the whole Pro- 
ceeds of my Cargoe in Such goods as I have men- 
tioned, be Careful to pay your Port Charges, and 
not to bring anything Home to eodang r a Seizure 
of my Vessell. Take Care that yourself, Mate & 
Seamen Pay their Proportion of the charge of Per 
mitioo To Trade at the French Islands, if you Should 
go & Trade there; .or it is Butt Reasonable that they 
Should Pay their Part who Reap Equal 1 advantage 
with me according to their's, and Suffer nothing 
to be brought in the Vessell more than their Privi* 
leidge, without Paying freight. Consult my Inter- 
est, & make Dispatch in my Buissioess, & use the 
greatest Prudence, Diligence <fc good Husbandry you 
Can in all my affairs, and Endeavour to make me a 
t^ood Voyage, advise me of your Proceedings pr Eve 
rv opportunity. So wishing you a Prosperous voy- 
age, Coinitt you to the Protection of Almighty God, 
I am Yr Freind & Imployer, 

Satu'H Browne, 

Bring Some Oranges & Limes. 


"To .You, being one of the Proprietors of. 


Essex BrHge, and owning four shares, are hereby 
notified that a meeting of the Directors of said 
Bridge, held at Leech's tavern in Beverly, on Satur* 
day the seventh day of June instant, they assessed 
on each share the sum of twenty dollars: and that 
the sum due from you is eighty dollars; which sum 
Must be paid in fifteen days after this noMce, other- 
wise your said shares will be sold at publick vendue, 
agreeably to the rules and regulations of the said 
Proprietors. Dated at Beverly this ninlh day of 
June, 1788. Your humble Servant, 

Wm. Prescott, Propr.'s Clerk. 

N. B. Payments must be made in Gold and Silver 
pr order of Directors." 

The above notice is filled out and signed by Judge 
Prescott, Father of the Historian. 

Richard Weight, Aged about 55 years, being sworne, 


That he being preasent, standing with Mr. Rich- 
ard xVIargerum, neare to the Castle Tavern, he heard 
the said Margerum say that Mr. Browne kept a false 
booke and he would prove it soe. 

John Bushnell, Aged about 40 years, saith: 

That he was standing by at the same time and 

heard Mr. Margerum spuak the same words above 

mentioned and ffu r tber these Deponents saith not. — 

These words were spoken in the open Soreett. 

Sworne bofore me the 20th of the 4th month 1655. 

Jo'. Endecott, Gou'r. 

Salem, March the 13th, 1743. 

Then Rec'd of Phillip English, Ten pounds In 
Bills of Crt., of the ould Tennor, In part of his Sub- 
crition for the North River Bridge. 

£10 0s Od. pr Sam'll West. 



The Trade or Commerce of Salem most prob- 
ably dates back to, or even prior to the settle- 
ment of the Place. Adventurers to this West- 
ern Coast after tish and furs, may have traded 
with the Naumkeags, ere Conant and his asso- 
ciates settled here. From what remains of 

Gosnold's Observations in New England, the 
Indians by Capo Cod were not unacquainted 
with trade, and this is in 1602 — twenty-four 
years before Salem is vifited by Conant ! It 
would seem as if * Conant and the planters 
might have been engaged in trade with the na- 
tives or others, because the planting of tobas- 
co by these old settlers gave great offence to the 
second comers (the Puiitans of 1028). the lat- 
ter maintaining according to the orders of the 
Home Company that its culture waa immoral, 
unless for medicinal purposes. Now, the cul- 
tivation must have been greater, of course, than 
was considered necessary for medicine, and the 
surplus was for trade. Such, at least, is a fair 

The second comers, (the Puritans of 1628- 
30) were not at first very zealous for trade. — 
Ttie old planters, being of the moderate Epis- 
copalian stamp, and oi the Cape Ann settle- 
ment, were most probably in favor of it ; but 
they possessed but little power, beiug soon 
swallowed up in the Puritan emigration. The 
fPuritans (second comers) though regarded by 

*To judge from the testimony uf Brackenbury, Dix- 
ey, and Woodbery (Salem Records, Registry of 
Deeds, vol. 5, pages 105 to 7) the early Planters 
were on the best terms with the native Indians in 
Salem, and thus had the opportunity of trading with 
them; and the Cape Ann Settlement had boats, which 
were doubtless used for fishing, and very probably 
trading, along the coast. As that settlement was 
originally intended as a planting, trading and fish- 
ing one, it is most likely that fi»h and furs were 
both sought from Salem, as from the vicinity — the 
search for both these articles being then common to 
adventurers to this Western Coast. 

|The early settlers of Salem (1628-30) seem to 
come hither as non-conformists , or at least with that 
reputation. They soon however became congrega- 
tional separatists, as were the Plymouth Colonists be- 
fore them. The term Puritan seems in that day to 
have been applied more particularly to tb«.se wbo 
sought to purify the national church. The Ply- 
mouth Colonists however even before their departure 
from Europe were called Browi.ists, that is separa- 
tists from the national church — and though denying 
that particular name,were in fact Congregationaliati. 


the Home Company probably as in sympathy 
with the first settlers of Salem in their relig- 
ious views, seem either to have sympathized 
practically with the Plymouth settlers ere they 
(the Puritans) came to Salem, or else changed 
their views very shortly after arrival. Some 
of them were evidently non-conformists at first. 
At all events their religious views assumed in 
Massachusetts a direct hostility to Episcopacy, 
and modified all their civil views. Once here, 
and independence both of the Church and State 
of England commences. Indeed, the Puritans 
cut adrift from about all authority, except the 
Bible, and the causes for it are partly to be 
found in their spiritual proclivities, and partly 
in the condition in which they found them- 
selves on arrival. The Home Company, in- 
deed, had given them instructions how to act, 
and expected a compliance therewith, but some 
of these instructions perhaps could not well be 
heeded, and some others were disregarded. — 
The Home Company were expecting prompt 
commercial returns and the Colonists were 
struggling for existence. The sudden liberty, 
too, which here greeted the Puritan, helped to 
break his ties to the Old Country. He shonld 
here realize, he thought, his enthusiastic dream 
— religious independence— and he allowed noth- 
ing to interfere with it. Trade was considered 
as of trifling consequence in the comparison. — 
So dominant was this faith and view, that it 
led the Puritans to do things which seriously 
embarrassed their allies in the Home Company, 
more particularly after the transfer of the Pa- 
tent and Government here in 1G30. It is much 
to be doubted moreover, whether the substan- 
tial Home *helpers of our Mass. Colony ever 

The latter had been watched very narrowly by the 
Ecclesiastical tyranny at home, which suspected 
them from the first of separating entirely from the 
Church of England. This they had done, it appears, 
even before they left England for Europe. The 
Plymouth Church (congregational) must be regard- 
ed thrrefore as the Parent Church of Massachusetts 
— the seed of our Congregational system. 

*Cradock, the first home Governor of the Company, 
a nd who was a very just, liberal and noble man — with 

were repaid the debts incurred in their efforts to 
colonize. The contrary seems to have been the 
case, while the expulsion of the Browns — 
the punishment of Ratcliff — the sectarian law 
of fFreemanship, and the reported Judaiatic 
tendency of some of the colonial legislation — 
all these reacted to the prejudice of the Home 
Company — paral zed them in fact — strength- 
ened the enemies of the Puritans in England — 
came near costing them their charter in 1638, 
and finally, recoiled upon themselves, perhaps, 
dnder the arbitrary James. The existence of 

strong attachments to the church and State of England 
— which the Colonists evidently did not share with 
him — Jeft a claim upon the Colony, which amounted 
in 1648 (so Felt says) to nearly £700. It is not 
probable that any of this was ever repaid. 

•{■There can be but little doubt, that the Puritans 
acted from policy in their early measures for the 
exclusion of all but Congregationalists from power 
and influence in the Colony, the fear that the Episco- 
pal tyranny at home would get a foot-bold among 
them to their destruction, if not utterly banished in 
anj and everv suspected shape. The miserable in- 
trigues of Oldham and his confederates (Conformists) 
at Plymouth — which were evidently intended for the 
destruction of that Colony — very probably operated 
against the Browns in Salem — who, however, seem 
to have been honorable upright men, and who, as 
non-couformists, (as they most probably w>re) could 
not have been in good odor in England. The diffi- 
culty seems to have been, that the moderate Episco- 
palians in the Colony — those who were persecuted at 
home for non conformity — had to suffer here for the 
sins of the High Churchmen of Oid England or New. 
The fear of the Puritans was natural perhaps, but, 
we cannot but think, exaggerated. Tbo enemies 
they stirred up in the Old Country by this course, 
with the addition of the opposition of those thus 
treated by them, gave them more trouble in the 6nd, 
than could the toleration of a few mere non-confor- 
mists among themselves. Toleration seems to have 
been with them rather a theory than a practice — as 
is indeed generally the case among men. Yet the 
Puritans behaved with very com nendable justice 
to the Indians in the extinguishment of their land 
titles. In the one case they were politic — in the 
other just. A too faithful adberenGe to the Old 
Testament, and a too literal interpretation of it, 
led them into unreasonable peculiarities at times. 


our Massachusetts colony for a scries of years, 
eeerns to be a History of Escapes, and very nar- 
row ones too, at times. The Puritans often escap- 
ed even the consequences of their own want of 
liberality, or wisdom, by some fortunate civil 
commotion in England, or some combination of 
events no human foiesight could have perceiv- 
ed. They were defended, too. and stoutly, by 
their allies at home, when their acts were even 
detrimental to the interests ol those allies. — 
Watched, suspected., and hated for their love 
of civil and ecclesiastical independence, they 
invariably escaped the snares laid for their 
destruction. Helping to maintain the Repub- 
lic in England for a time, they founded one in 
New England for all time, and even under the 
very shadow of Monarchy the while. 

It is not within the range of our subject to 
attempt to portray the characters of the Pil- 
grims — to endeavor to do them justice. But 
it is impossible not to refer to their character- 
istics, even in a sketch of their Commerce, for 
with them, as with all men, in History, Faith 
made the Man — whether as a Civilian or Up- 
holder of Religion. The Puritan, and his 
polity were not sustained, moreover, by their 
defects, but virtues. His Commonwealth was 
not really founded on his misconceptions in 
regard to Divine or human legislation, but on 
positive and liberal ideas. The Puritan began 
by almost ignoring the advantages of Com- 
merce, but when he saw his mistake, he be- 
came a firm and wise upholder of it, and was 
abundantly rewarded for his efforts. No Col- 
ony alter its first start ever surpassed, .let us 
Bay, ever equalled it for energy, industry, pru- 
dence, and economy. This the English Par- 
liament in 1643 practically admit. The Pu- 
ritan and his Conmonwealth, too, were saved 
by what was good in them— and there was 
much. If he sometimes went back almost to 
first prejudices, he went back also to first prin 
ciples in his faith and polity. The glory of 
his fame may be brighter, and its shadow 
somewhat deeper than is usual among men, 
for his lot was a more peculiar one. As the 
Pioneer of the Great Republic of religious and 

civil Liberty— seeking to lay the foundations 
of its power upon first principles, and that too 
amid severe spiritual and temporal trials, it is 
no wonder, that he should have sympathised 
with the Jews when journeying to their prom- 
ised Land — adopted some of their views, and 
felt himself like the Israelite -with the Egypt 
of Tyranny behind him, the perils of the way 
and the Heathen around him, and the promised 
Kingdom before him. Taking the Bible, as 
his literal guide, hi3 visions and his journey- 
ings were directed by its Light and Shadow, 
;md that Light and Shade were cast .rom that 
Column, shrouding the Great Jehovah, which 
swept with such awful yet serene majestv over 
the trembling deep-day-shadowed or crimsoned 
night-sands of Arabia So before our Fathers, 
visible to the eye of Faith, swept that awful 
column of cloud and flame, but over the desert 
of the sea and not the shore, and into the New 
Canaan filled with a more numerous Heathen, 
but of a still more abundant promise — 
the later Palestine of greater blessings 
both for the body and the soul. More 
or less of such a faith and belief entered 
into the hearts of the Puritans who sought 
these shores — and something also of the ex- 
clusive spirit of the Israelites as against the 
outside world. The parallel was carried at 
times too far with the Puritan, since he cut 
off even those who agreed with him in essen- 
tials, if not in forms. Such mistakes gener- 
ally arose however not from the mere wanton- 
ness of tyranny, but that gravity of belief, 
which considers a different faith as heresy, and 
as the great evil, because destructive to the 
Soul. What the Puritan did right, he did 
well — earnestly, perhaps sternly, but thorough- 
ly, and that both in Church and State. What 
he did amiss, was done as earnestly and decid- 
edly — a proof both of the grave sincerity of his 
motives, and the fallibility of all human judg- 
ment in the hour of conflict between human 
power, whether temporal or spiritual, and the 
new faiths demands and wants of humanity. 
The Puritan failed in his mistakes and preju- 


dices, but lived, and will ever live in his vir 

The Home Company in England — under 
whose auspices Salem was permanently settled 
— was originally intended (says Hutchinson,) 
for trade and colonization, like the East India, 
and other great companies. It is certain, 
however, that the leading commercial men of 
the Company, Cradock, as an instance, had 
nobler views than mere pecuniary ones, al- 
though desiring, of course, remuneration for 
their outlays. The transfer of the Patent and 
Government here in 1630 moreover aided the 
commercial as well as civil freedom of th« Col- 
onist?, since it was a practical bar to any 
Company monopoly in England. That trans 
fer gave also, practically, the land of Massa- 
chusetts to the government of the Colony, 
which soon thereafter held it mainlv as a trust 
for the common benefit of the people, which 
was nut the original intention of the Compa- 
ny. This community of interests was partly 
based on old Saxon laws, and partly, perhaps, 
on reasons and necessities arising from their 
religious belief — their acknowledgement of 
common needs and a common destiny in things 
temporal, as spiritual. It gave a somewhat 
democratic character, at all events, to the par- 
tition of lands, and the establishment of the 
common rights of the Colonists in the ungrant 
ed land — the rights to wood, grass, pasture, 
passage, — of sea and shore. The necessity 
which compelled the early authorities of the 
Colony to grant land in fee, without reserva- 
tion of rent or othei qualification, so that the 
settlers should not be discouraged by not hav- 
ing lands ot their own, — this very necessity 
both gave and begat a freedom which was fa 
tal to all monopoly. The necessity, moreover, 
which compelled the early authorities to dis- 
charge the company servants, that they might 
not perish by famine while under their con 
trol, broke down the partition wall of an old 
world Caste never to be rebuilt. The settlers 
under the charter had also valuable commer- 
cial privileges — being free from all duties to 

and from English ports for 7 years, and there- 
after for 21 years, except after the 7 years 5 
per cent on merchandize entered into the Eng- 
lish ports. At first, these privileges were 

thought but little of by the Puritan settlers. 

They were thinking more of their independence 
of England in matters of faith, than of any 
commercial advantages to be gained in the 
new country. The Company in London 
urged trade upon them with a divided motive, 
partly to pay the expenses of colonization, and 
partly to defeat the schemes of Gorges and 
Mason by occupying advanced trading posts, 
and so gaming or maintaining title by adverse 
occupancy. The < arly Puritan settlers, how- 
ever, besides feeling sin all interest in trade, 
lound themselves on arrival in a position, not 
alone of independence, but without restraint, 
A wide ocean rolled between them and all 
home control. There was no spiritual or tem- 
poral power over them, whose arm could be 
immediately felt. A new and boundless Con- 
tinent lay before them, with all its wealth and 
resources— the very aids to their spiritual in- 
dependence. They were themselves laboring 
under a new vision for the future; were new 

men — with a new faith — in a new world. 

Some of their dreams were grand and true ; 
some were mixed with old world prejudices 
and tyrannies. Suddenly called upon to real- 
ize their wishes, hopes, ideas and prayers amid 
new and strange scenes, privations, dangers 
and sufferings, is it to be wondered at, that 
they, being human, should make errors? that 
having been bitterly persecuted, they in turn 
should sometimes abuse power? that having a 
stern, hard lot, they should at times be cold 
and literal themselves, or that they should oc- 
casionally mistake bigotry and prejudice for 
principle? Sudden freedom and power in 
this new world put them to the practical test, 
and by this, but in charity, must thev be 

It is pretty certain, however, that the commer- 
cial schemes of the Company at home proved a 
failure ; that they realized neither power nor 


profit under their charter — that tho transfer 
of that charter to Massachusetts ; the in- 
dependence of the Colonists here - at times 
even defiant — the large emigration into Sa 
lem ; the peculiar circumstances of the Col- 
ony ; and the civil troubles in England, — all 
served in a few \ ears to open the way for liberty, 
both civil and commercial, — a liberty, the fruits 
of which we, even at this day, are reaping 

The entire separation of the Colony from 
England, may be said to commence at the set 
tletuent of the Puritans here. It was so also 
at Plymouth. The religious yoke is first 
thrown off — then follows the civil. There is 
an osten:-i >le deference paid at times to the 
civil authorities in England, but underneath 
all there is a solemn determined and earnest 
independence of the mother country — the deep 
undertone of the faith and policy of the Colo- 
ny. The Colonists were not, perhaps, always 
aware whither this was tending, and some ol 
their measures were rather in reasonable dis- 
regard of England, and for economy, than 
pointedly intended as independent measures; 
but, as it had been with the faith of the Colo- 
nists, so it was with their commerce and trade, 
and they soon freed themselves, and were freed 
by circumstances also, from any restraint by 
the home Company, and resisted (and wisely 
and justly too,) the application of the laws of 
trade, which the Rulers of England, particu- 
larly after Cromwell's decease, sought to fas- 
ten upon them. The policy of the Geueral 
Court and the large towns, from an early day, 
was to free themselves from dependence on 
England — to deveiope their own resources. — 
From the year 1645, and running to the Amer- 
ican Revolution, commences a series of meas- 
ures and laws fostering borne Manufactures 
of hemp, flax, clothing, &c. — some of these 

*Up to 1680, however, Massachusetts seems to 
have exported few or no manufactures, the cloth, both 
woolen and Linen, shoes, hats &c. made here were 
used in the country. Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, vol 
8, p 335, Governor Bradstreet's answer to the Lords 
of the Council. 

measures being very stringent and compul>o- 
ry. As early as 1045-0, a Town meeting was 
ordered in Salem to consider a stuck of cotton 
wool— an agent at Barbadoes — and sowing of 
hemp and flax. The "Agent at Barbadoes'' 
was of course to collect cotton for the public 
benefit, and in furtherance ot the home manu- 
facturing policy of the Colonists. This policy 
was not carried through without opposition 
from the English manufacturers, who, in af- 
ter years, opposed it bitterly, but fortunately 
without suceess. 

The Home Company begin their trade with 
Salem and vicinity in 1028. They eend over 
with Endecott certain goods to traffic with tho 
natives for beaver, otter, and other furs, and 
in 1629 he is ordered to send home to tho 
Company in London two or three hundred fir- 
kins of Sturgeon and other fish, timber, fsassa- 
fras, fsarsaparilla, fsumach, fsilk grass, and 

fThe "Sassafras" was the root of the Sassafras 
Tree, [Snrubl] valued in 1602 at 3 shillings a pound , 
and £336 the ton. To it was ascribed "Sovereign 
and Manifold Virtues.'' In Archer's account of Gos- 
nold's Voyage to the North part oi' Virginia. (New 
England) Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series 8th vol. pp 77-8, 
there is recorded a cure of "a great Surfeit" by the 
"powder of Sassafras." Sassafras seems to have 
been especially sought after by the early traders, 
most probably as a medicinal drug. It was called 
by the native inhabitants "Wynauk.'' It was 
thought to be good against contagious diseases. 

fThe silk grass, or grass silk was similar to that 
found in Persia, and out of which a somewhat coarse 
silk stuff called grograine [grogram] could be made. 
See Tracts appended to Brereton, Mass. Hist. Coll. 
3d Series vol. 8, page 117. Through the kinlness of 
Prof. John Lewis Russell, of Salem, we have been 
enabled to state what this grass is. He has deter- 
mined it to be the Yucca filamentosa found growing 
in the Southern and Western States, and there vul- 
garly called Bear and Buffalo grass. Whether it 
grew wild in New England at that time is somewhat 
questionable. It appeals to have been found in 
Florida and Virginia proper. 

•j-The Sumach was well known aid used in Eng- 
land in several of the arts, as affording a fine dye 
for black, green, or yellow — also for tanning. It is 
perhaps the Virginia Sumach which is meant, and 


IBeaver. Curn seems to have been at first paid 
the Indians for Beaver— afterwards Wampum. 
The Colonists this year demand of the Home 
Company in turn, men skillful in making salt 
and pitch. JStaves are ordered this year as 
part of the return cargo of the Company ; also 
Beaver and other furs, Clapboards and other 
wood. The Company seem now to ||oontrol 
trade in Salem almost entirely, but this seems 
to have lasted but a very short time. 

In 1G29 we find the Home Company sending 
into Salem six ship builders, of whom Robert 

which grows naturally in almost every part of North 

•f-Sarsaparilla is most probably the same root as the 
Virginia and Jamaica Sarsaparrilla, and which from 
its superiority finally excluded tho oriental species 
from commerce. This is most probably the same 
Root "Tsinaw" mentioned in the tracts appended to 
Brereton (Mass. Hiet. Coll. 3d series, vol. 8, page 
119) as being one of the native products of Virgin- 
ia. Both Sassafras and Sarsaparilla appear to have 
been abundant in Now England at the first settle- 
mentor, or are reported so. 

Fla>~ and Hemp were also native products of Mas- 
sachusetts, but the high price of labor is the reason 
given for their non exportation about 1080. Enough 
only was raised for domestic purposes. 

Jit is very probable that the Colonists, who were 
engaged then or afterwards in fishing, gave about 
five months of the year to that calling, and the re- 
mainder to planting, cutting timber, cleaving pipe 
staves, making chip-boards, boat building, &o. We 
infer this from some tilings (mentioned in Levett'-s 
voyage into New England 1 02,3-4) that could well 
be done by Fishermen in these parts, and the Colo- 
nists were cei tainly a very industrious, capable set. 
See Mass Hist. Coll. 3d Series, vol. 8, p 187. The 
Colonists, it appears first fished in our harbors and 
bays, and at the Banks of Newfoundland, and after 
wards also off the coast of Acadia [Nova Scotia,]. 

|| For the trade of the Company in London with 
Salem see Felt's annals. It was at first a monopoly, 
or something very nigh it. Our object is to sketch 
the trade of tho Colonists — their own trade — aud not 
the Company's trade, which was both a forced one, 
and of short duration. As a monopoly, it seems to 
have been abandoned both in London and Salem, 
and even then seems not to have been remunerative, 
fo ju'lgo by Hutchinson, and others. 

Moulton is chief, and two coopers and cleav- 
ers of timber, the last to prepare staves for re- 
turn cargo, and that they order three ^[shallops 
to be built in Salem, doubtless for fishing pur- 
poses. It is most probable that these shallops 
if ever built, were built upon the Neck, near 
or upon Winter Island, which was used for 
the fisheries and ship-building from the very 
commencement of the town. There was in 
1637 a § forest side to the Neck, as appears in 

ITThe Shallop (chaloupe) is the long boat, the lar- 
gest boat usually accompanying a ship, furnished with 
a mast and sails. Those fitted for tenders to ships- 
of-war were sometimes decked and armed. Falcon- 
er's Marine Dictionary, 1789. An Encyclopedia of 
1798 describes the Shallop as a large boat with two 
small masts and lug sails. It seems to have been in 
•vogue, though with different rigs, with the French, 
Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch. The word Sloop is 
an abbreviation of Shallop or Shalloop, thongh now 
having an entirely different signification. 

Judging from what is said of the shallop in the 
New England Voyages in the Mass. Hist. Coll., — of 
.what Prince and Bradford say, and the comparison 
Hutchinson makes between the fishing shallops of 
1719 and the fishing schooners then employed, the 
shallop of New England was often a decked boat of 
from ten to twenty tons. Like our New England 
pinnace, it seems to have been larger than its name- 
sake in England or Europe, to judge by Marine Dic- 
tionaries. In a manuscript journal of a voyage 'In 
ye good Sloop Sarah' from the Island of Jersey to 
Cape Ann in .1724, which journal is in our possession, 
we notice the following, confirmatory ot these views 
in regard to the shallop as a large decked boat 

'From Thursday to Fryday ye 10th of July, 1721. 
* •* * at 4 this morning sounded, found 05 fath- 
om cors (coarse) gr.iy sand, got a cusk, saw two shal- 
lops & one Skooner of Marblehead, and they told us 
.that Cape Sable Bore of them N. N. W Dist. about 
15 Leagues.' These shallops appear to have been 
fishing off Cape Sable, and were, to judge by what 
Hutchinson says of them in 1749, about half the size 
of the schooner of that day. 

§£.25th of the 7th moneth, 1637.] 'George Wright 
is granted half an acre of the Neck to build upon, 
and five acres on the forest side to plant on, and to 
keep a Ferry between Butt poynt and Darbye Fort.' 
1st vol. Records of Salem, page 25. 

Note. The above would seem to indicate by one 


the Book of Grants in Salem, and from this 
very forost, the first craft in Salem may have 
been framed. Salem became noted afterwards 
as one of the principal places for building ves- 
sels 111 the Colony. 

The early, the long continued, tho staple 
trade of Salem, was the Jfisheries. We see 

manner of reading, certainly, that there was a build- 
ing side and a, forest side to the Neck in 1637. It may 
be that the "forest side" means Forest (River) Side, 
though it serins otherwise. As the Islands in our 
Harbor were, however, "replenished with thicke wood 
and high trees" (according to Mr Higginson) in 1629 
it is most probable that the Neck was covered, in 
part at least, by a native forest, and that out of this 
forest there were trees fit for ship-building. 

That the Neck was very early used for ship-build- 
ing, we infer, from one or two items of History. In 
1636, Richard Hollingworth, a ship builder, gets a 
grant of land from the Town, and in 1690 the land 
(on the JSeck) formerly belonging to Richard Holling- 
worth, was ordered to be laid out (Felt 1st vol. 192 
page). Moreover, in 1637 (20th 4th mo.) Richard 
Johnson is received an inhabitant and is appointed 
half an acre of Land (the same amount as George 
Wright was granted on the Neck) "for an house lott 
nere unto Richard Hoi ling worth's workes. Salem Rec 
ords, 1st vol. page 21. As it is a matter of history 
that this Richard Hollingworth buil a ship of 300 
tons in Salem in 1641, these items, with the tradi- 
tion on the subject, which agrees with them, go to 
prove that Richacd Hollingworth had a ship-yard on 
the Neck in 1637. Robert Moulton probably had 
one there even before him. Ship-building may also 
have been commenced thus earlv in the Creek (South 
River). George Curwen (according to tradition) 
built a ship there in 1640. 

:;The English had freely used the coast of New 
England for tbe fisheries before the settlement at 
Salem, and the royal charter reserved this right to 
Englishmen after the settlement — a right which was 
freely used, it seems. Newfoundland had an English 
settlement at the time. 

The early fisheries were quite profitable, to judge 
from Levett's account of the trade in 1623-4, where 
in he says he has "attained to the understanding of 
its secrets." According to him, a ship of 200 tons, 
with a crew'of 50 men, the ordinary crew for such 
sized vessels in the fisheries, would be at an outlay 

indeed some of her sons from 1G30 to 1G58 en- 
gaged in the Beaver and Peltry trade, onco 
valuable, but this was almost extinct in 1688, 
and at that time the fisheries, whale and oth- 
er, were as productive as ever. The harbor and 
rivers of Sa'ern swarmed with fish, among which 
cod and bass were very plenty So plentiful 
were thoy, that they were used for manure up 
to 1G39, when the General Cour' forbid it' — 
Great favor was early shown the fishermen in 
Massachusetts by law, such as freedom from 
taxation on their stock and fish, and from mil- 
itary duty while engaged in their occupation. 
The early foreign trade, that is imports of the 
colony, seems during the first few years to have 
been in the hands or power cither of the Home 
Company, or the Government or' the colony, aa 
representing either them or the colonists ; but 
it is doubtful if this policy ever extended over 
the fisheries, or if so, it must have been for a 
very short period. The fisheries were consid- 
ered fO important, that as early as 1G35, the 

of some £800 — the cost for 9 months victualling, &c, 
One third of the catch, "fish and train,'' being deduc- 
ted as "fraught" for the owners — another as a share 
for the crew — and the balance for expenses, — the 
owners' one third part of the cargo would yield £1340 
"for disbursing of £800 9 months." The cargo sold 
in Spanish ports from 36 to 44 rials per quintal. 

Our Salem fishing craft were not so large as Lev- 
ett's "ship," but were shallops of from 10 to 20 tons, 
say—ketches of from 20 fco 40— and finally schooners 
from 30 to 60 or more, carrying not more than from 
4 to 8 or 10 men say. Small boats were perhaps 
used at first. Still the trade was profitable, Salem 
and Massachusetts being built up by it in the early 
day. The fisheries and the timber trade gave Salem, 
doubtless, two thirds or more of her early wealth. 

In the middle ages, the Alchemists said, "cum sole 
et sale omnia fiunt," Wilhembulkels seems to have 
been the first, who, in the middle ages, suggested the 
idea of making use of salt in the curing offish. The 
plan succeeded so well that Charles the Filth, being 
in the low countries, went to Bier-Vliet to see tho 
tomb of the humble fisherman, wishing thereby to 
bonor the memory of one who had rendered so great 
a service to his country. American Journal of Phar- 
macy, vol. 31 No. 3 pd,ge 259. 


General Court appoint a committee to impress 
men, who (shall unload salt when it arrives. — 
This is evidently in a good part owing to the 
value of the wait for the fisheries. Tliey were 
not hampered with the early restrictions im 
posed on foreign imports so far as we can find, 
and soon became profitable. After the colo- 
nists had built their houses, cleared their lands, 
established their common rights, raised enough 
to help support life, either in ||grain or animals 
and somewhat settled down, their attention 
■was more particularly devoted to the fisheries. 
It seems most probable that a certain class of 
ihen, however, devoted themselves in Salem al- 
most exclusively to this business, and from 
the commencement of the town. Winter Is 
liii was their head quarters. They obtained 
the use of certain lots on the Island, and cer- 
tain common rights adjacent, and this island 
continued to bo used hy fishermen until, and 
after a division of the common lands about 
1714. It was there expressly reserved by the 
commoners for the fisheries, as it had ever 
bepn before. This reservation, moreover, was 
of a great common right, viz — the free use of 
this Island for fishing purposes; since the fee 
Beems, as a general rulft, never to have left 
the town like other grants. Those who built 
houses, fish-houses, warehouses and wharves 
on this Island, only gained an usufructuary 
right for the time being. Yet this Island has 
seen a busy fishing population gathered upon 
it, and as late as 1731 there were conveniences 

According to the same authority, the Hebrews 
were well acquainted with the antiseptic properties 
of salt, and employed it in the preservation of their 
meats. The Pagans even used it to retard the putre- 
faction of the flesh of their victims. 

For Levett's calculations of the profit of the fishery, 
see Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series vol. 8 rp. 186-7. Ar- 
ticle — Levett's Voyage into New England. 

|| Massachusetts could not well have exported much 
grain before 1640, whatever she may bave exported 
in fish, since in 1637 there were only 37 ploughs in 
the whole colony, says Graham, the most of them 
being in Lyon. 

upon the Neck, which in all prohability means 
this Island, for forty vessels and their fares. 
All this is now a tale of the past. Indeed, 
just before 1700, this Island was a still busier 
scene in all probability, as Salem sent out over 
sixty fishing Ketches, of from twenty to forty 
tons, which evidently discharged their cargoes 
in Salem, and moi't likely on the common 
ground or land for the fishermen In 1660, 
Bak'-r's and Misery Islands were both set apart 
by the General Court for the free use of fisher- 
men, and were probably intended to be espec- 
ially used by the Salem, and perhaps Marble- 
head fishermen. From the year 1629 to 1740. 
or thereabouts. ^[Winter Island seems to be the 
head quarters of the Salem fishing trade, and 
that trade itself seems to have been our staple 
trade dawn to a much later period, even to 
the American devolution, and the great change 
of trade consequent upon it. 

IT Winter Island seems (according to Felt's Annals,) 
to iiave been used for the Fisheries up to about 1739. 
The business was then removed, and it was let with 
the Neck for pasturage of cattle. In 1679, so many 
were the residents there, that John Clifford was li- 
censed to keep a victualling house for their conven- 
ience. In 1684, several merchants had leave to 
build wharves on its flats. In 1698-9, the Island 
had a regular street, called Fish street ; and in 
1701 the shoremen had permission to fence it in, to 
keep out animals, with a gate for men and carte. 
When the Commoners in 1714 granted it to the town, 
they expected it would always be used for the fishing 
business, as it had been before. It would seem as if 
even the building lots early granted to the fishermen 
on this Island, were only usufructuary rights, sinca 
the whole fibbing village there has totally disap- 
peared The building lots, on the contrary, granted 
in the body of the town, were mainly proprietary — 
gererally with certain conditions to be first per- 
formed — and thence in fee. See Vol. 1st, Records of 
Salem, passim. It may be as well here to state that 
what is now Collins' Cove, at the bottom of Essex 
street, was anciently called "Shallop Cove," accord- 
ing to tradition— and this because the fishermen 
moored their shallops there, and lived on the shores. 
This was an important Cove of Salem, at and prior 
to 1692. It had a street of fishermen's huts, which 
ran on a line with the Cove. 

It IS not probable that the Commerce of Sa- 
lem began to have an independent being before 
•1 64 0-1. The arrivals before that time are 
mostly foreign ships into Salem — that is ves- 
sels belonging to the corporation in England , 
or other parties abroad. These supplied the 
colony with various needed articles, which seem 
to have been under the control of the Gen- 
eral Court and Governor, who levied certain 
duties upon them. The Governor, (Hutchinson 
says.) was the naval officer of the colony. The 
monies so raised went into the colonial treasu- 
ry. As to the laws of trade in England, the 
colonists seem to have ignored them utterly — 
Up to 1670 no custom house seems to have 
been established in New England by the home 
authorities. From 1629 to 1640 Salem seems 
to get along without much shipping of her own, 
but the failure of the emigration about the lat- 
ter year, threw her upon her commercial ener- 
gies, and the Rev. Hugh Peters stimulated her 
with a far sighted sagacity into ship building. 
To be sure, between these years we see occa- 
sional gleams of commercial life in the first 
few beginnings of the col-mists. A small ves- 
sel of some twelve tons (belonging to Salem) 
5a in our bay in 1631, with two hogsheads of 
train (whale ?) oil as an item of her cargo.— 

♦Hutchinson savs that the colonists began about 
1637 to buihl small vessels lor the fisheries, and f rade 
with the adjacent colonies. The leading men, at the 
first, in Massachusetts, wer« not in favor of, or en- 
gaged in commerce. The colony was probably forc- 
ed into it to supply its wants. It is most probable 
that prior to 1637, Robert Moulton, ot Salem, and 
his shipwrights built several small decked vessels on 
the Neck, tor fisheries and trading. The three chal- 
lops to be built in 1629, were very probably decked 
boats of several tons burthen. 

The first mention of commerce in the Colony Rec- 
ords is in 1645, when friendly foreign ships are per- 
mitted to trade here on payment of certain duties — 
almost a free trade. In 1652 a committee are ap 
pointed to consult ihe best way of trade (Note. — 
Commerce bad, however, evidently got to be a power 
in the State belore 1645 or 1652, or the General Court 
would not have been aroused to its importance.) 

In 1655 we see that the General Court adopt a pro- 
tective policy lor the staple commodities of this coun- 
try, by forbidding the importation of malt, wheat, 
barley, biscuit, beef, meal and fbur (which are des 
cribed as our principal commodities) from any part 
of Europe, unless it be to provision ships, on penalty 
of confiscation! See Col.ny Records. 

She perhaps comes up from Cape Cud, where 
whales were first captured by small boats from 
the beach. The same year a pinnace goes down 
from Salem to Plymouth for corn. Salem 
had an abundance of canoes (pine dug outs) in 
1633. and there were more here than in the 
whole Patent. With these the colonists fer- 
ried our rivers and went out even leagues to 
sea for fowling, fishing, &c. Alter these, 
doubtless, came shallops, f pinnaces, and final- 
ly larger craft. The impetus given by Jiev. 
Hugh Peters in 1640-1 to ship building, pro- 
duced an abundant supply of vessels in a few 
years. Richard llollingworth, a ship builder 
by trade, and who came to Salem in 1635, be- 
gan in Feh'y, 1641, to build a ship of three 
hundred tons, which was finished and launch" 
ed the succeeding June. From all which can 
now be gathered, his ship yard appears to have 
been in the lower part of Salem, on the Neck. 
This ship may be the ship Mary Ann, of Sa- 
lem, mentioned as of 1643. What number of 
vessels were thus built in Salem about this pe- 

^Falconer, in his marine Dictionary — 1789 — des 
cribes the Pinnace as an eight oarer/ boat, navigated 
with oars and sails, having generally two masts, and 
rigged like a schooner. This description, however, 
is manifestly inapplicable to the early Pinnaces of 
New England, for Prince, in his New England Chro- 
nology, speaks of the arrival into Salem, May 27, 
1631. of a Pinnace of 18 tons, from Virginia laden 
with corn and tobacco— a very happy arrival, the 
corn, at least, — {or the Colonists then here. She 
was bound further North, but foul weather compelled 
her to put in here Prince moreover speaks of the 
way in which the Plymouih Colonists in 1626 made 
•Af-mall Pinnace, viz: by sawing in halves their larg- 
er Shallop, adding five or six teet in the centre, — 
strengthening her timbers, — building up decks, and 
giving her sails and anchors. Prom further items 
in Prince, it appears that the Pinnaces of New Eng- 
land were large ducked boats, for not only can they 
carry 100 bushels of co'-n, 12 Hogsheads of corn, <fcc, 
but he mentions the fact that Capt. Dermer went 
trora Cape Co 1 to Virginia, discovering by the way 
Long Island Sound, "in an open pinnace of five tons." 
The presumption is, then, that the Pinnaces of the 
Colony weie generally large decked boats. Printfe 
mentions one Pinnace sent over to the Plymouth 
Company by the adventurers in England, for the use 
of the Colony, of forty j >ur tons burthen. Pinnaces 
and Shallops are very often mei tioned in the early 
history of Massachusetts — the Scallops appearing, 
however, to be the smaller boat, and often open. — 
The Ketch was built hert quite early, to judge by an 
item in Prince. As Prinoe gets his facts mainly from 
Bradford, we can be sure they are correct. 


riod does not appear, but probably quite a 
number. It is most likely that email vessels 
were built to supply the colony with grain 
from the neighboring colonies, for Massachu- 
setts seems never to have produced continuous 
abundant export crops of grain. At times, 
corn and wheat were alarmingly scarce in the 
colony. Massachusetts had a more certain 
crop in her fisheries, and the mackerel, cod, 
cusk, &c, which she soon cured and exported 
to the West Indias and Spain, brought her 
back an abundance of money and foreign pro- 
duce to supply her own needs Besides fish 
and oil, she first sent back to the Old Country, 
timber, tar, pitch, turpentine, staves, clap- 
boards, and other wood, and afterwards to the 
West Indies her lumber, corn, beef, pork, 
(masts, clapboards ?) pipe staves, and sundry 
other commodities. In J1643 she English Par- 
liament release New England trom all duties 
on imports and exports which a-e for home 
consumption. Massachusetts, and Salem as 
an important port in it, seem now to have 
fairly entered into toe West India and colonial 
trade. Salem began cautiously, but soon used 
her commercial freedom to advantage. Th> 
Portuguese and Spanish West Indies were not 
forgotten, though her largest trade was, it 
would appear, with j|Barbadoes and the lee- 

:£"In consideration of the success and increase of 
the New England Colonies, and that they bad been 
no charge to the nation, and in prospect of t:.eir be 
ing in very serviceable to ir, the English Par- 
liament, March 10, 1*543, granted theui an exemp- 
tion from all customs, subsidies and other duties, un 
til further order." This gave to the Colonies a free- 
dom of trade, by which they flourished greatly. 

|| We hear much of Barbadoes as one of the early 
and earliest Ports at which our Salem vessels traded. 
This Island, according to Pinkerton, was settled by 
the English a- early as 1624, is one of the chief of 
the Carribee Group, was exceedingly fertile, and be- 
came the favorite centre of a great emigration dur- 
ing the civil commotions in Eugland. so that in 1050 
it contained some twenty thousand whit" population. 
Being left to ltd own efforts, and with an unlimited 
freedom of trade, it flourished greatly. Charles the 
2d, at the restoration, for its loyalty, bestowed the 
dignity of Baronetage on thirteen of its principal 
inhabitants. Antigua, called Ontega, another of 
the group, mentioned in our later Salem commerce, 
may bo said to have commenced to flourish after 
1674, and at or about 1700 contained some five thou 

ward Islands. She traded with the Dutch and 
English Buccaneers also, who. robbing the 
Spaniards of their bullion, paid it over to Sa. 
lem and New England merchants for supplies. 
About this 'ime the larger colonies also unite 
for defence and protection, and a common spir- 
it of good will and of enterprise bind them to- 
gether commercially, and favors adventurous 
trade. Being, too, on the right side of the Re- 
publican party in England, they are favored 
in that quarter, and this was a decided advan- 
tage. We find, moreover, that our Salem peo- 
ple as a general rule discuss matters of trade 
as a pubhc affiir, for in 1645 a general town 
meeting is ordered to consider of '-Publique 
tradings and other things." The community 
soon seem to have been awake to the impor- 
tance of trade either internal or ext*rnal, for 
we find the subject of manufacturer, clothing, 
tradf, raising of wool, fl ix. ^[ l ieii'p, &c, not 
unfrequent topics of public discussion in town* 

sand white inhabitants. Barbadoes produced, as 
chief products, s-igar, cotton, ginger and aloes. An- 
tigua, sugar, Cotton Wool and Tobacco. This latter 
Island had excellent harbors, which may have ren- 
dered it more of a favorite for our shipping than 
some others of the Carribee Group. According to 
Salmon (in his Geographical Gram oar, 1760,) Bar- 
badoes was settled mainly by Cavaliers from Eng- 
land. Tobacco was first planted toere, which did 
not succeed, and afterwards Cotton and Indigo, wnieh 
were profitable. Sugar works were first erected by 
tie English Cavaliers in 1647, and the trade then 
became profitable. The sugar trade of N. E. with 
Barbadjes commenced say between 1647 and '50. 
The Cotton Wool trade began before. That Salem 
should have commenced trading with Barbadoes is 
very natural, since S. was for a while after its settle- 
ment the resort of the moderate Episcopalians — those 
who had not entirely abandoned the Church and 
State of England, and Barbadoes was not very dis- 
tant from this faith and belief. 

St Christopher seems to have been the first settled 
of the British West India Islands, though Barbadoes 
has th« credit of being. St. Christopher seems not, 
however, to be mentioned much in our early Salem 
Commerce, that is before 1700. Philip English wa3 
trading there in 1688-'.), to judge by old accounts. 
Edwards' Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, 405, commences 
the history of this Island, which see. 

ITilemp grew wild in Massachusetts, and the Indi- 
ans (says Lewis,) made fishing lines of it of great 
fineness. The early Colonists wore advised by those 
in Authority to cultivate it for manufacturing pur- 
poses; and the Inventories of the old estates some- 
times show that this advice was heeded. 
To be Continued. 




Vol. I. 

July, 1859. 

No. 3. 



[Continued from Page 76.] 
If we are to judge of the success of our Sa- 
lem fishermen about 1647, by that of our Mar- 
blehead brethren at the same time, we shall 
see that thiy trade was valuable ; for the latter 
had taken up to the middle of January that 
year, about £4000 worth of fish. In 1648 
Salem suffered, we must believe, from the 
scarcity of corn, caused by its excessive impor- 
tation from Mass. to the Spanish and Portn-» 
guese West Indies ; and it is not at all unlike- 
ly that these repeated scarcities of grain final- 
ly compelled our people to retain their own 
grain, and even replenish their stores by seek 
ing the more Southern settlements, Virginia 
and Maryland, where wheat and corn were a 
staple crop. At all events this trade sprang 
up, and most probably in this natural way 
Virginia and Maryland, perhaps before, but 
certainly after 1680, took West India products, 
Rum, Molasses and Sugar, and also salt, wood- 
en ware, Kegs, Cider, Cans, &c. from us, and 
in return gave us Wheat, Corn, Pork, Bacon, 
Peltry, Tobacco, Hides, Old Iron, &c. Boston 
seems to have been, throughout, the great mag- 
azine of English and European goods and 
manufacture^, and supplied the Colonies main- 
ly with these. As early as between 1650 and 
1660 a line of Packets ran between Boston and 

the old country. Between the years 1629 and 
1650, especially between '40 and '50, Salem 
commenced her commercial career, and at the 
close found herself with shipping and means ; 
and trading not alone with the mother coun- 
try, but with the West Indies, Bermudas, Vir- 
ginia and Ontega (Antigua ) She" had found 
supplies of salt, probably at *Sa!titudos and 
*Tortnga, and most probably also received 
them from Lisbon, Cadiz, St. does and Isle 
of May. So important had become the com- 
merce of Massachusetts, and Salem shared no 
mean part of it, that a Committee are appoint- 
ed in 1650 to examine a book entitled "Lex 
Mercatoria." and report to the next Gen'l 
Court what they find therein applicable to 
"deciding of maratime affairs in this jurisdic- 
con." During this period, however, the Bar- 

*Saltituda, or Saltitudos, may be what is now 
known as Salt Island, one of the Virgin Group, 
West Indies, S. E. of Tortola, and be'onging to the 
English. It is evidently a Spanish word, and per- 
haps a diminutive of the name Salt hland. It is 
difficult to locate this spot, even if an English pos- 
session, since Salmon, in his Geographical Grammar 
of 1760, is entirely silent about it. At all events, 
we may safely conclude that Salt was the staple pro- 
duct of this place, wherever it was located in the W. 
I. group. 

Tortuga is probably the Tortuga of the Carribee 
group, close to the Spanish Main, and not the Tortu- 
ga near St Domingo — an eai ly French possession. 
Edwards, in his historj and map of tfte West Indies, 
1793, calls the Tortuga, near the Spanish main, 


barv fCoreairs troubled our commerce seriously. 
In connection with the fisheries, ship build- 

"Salt Tortogo," which makes our supposition the 
more probable. 

Various attempts were made by a few of the early 
and enterprising Colonists to supply our Salem fish- 
eries with Salt manufactured here, and they obtained 
certain protective privileges from the General Court 
in aid of their efforts, but the Colonists obtained 
their main supplies abroad, and were compelled so to 
do. See Felt's Aunals in regard to Salt manufactur- 
ing in Salem. 

•f Piracy and frecbooting seem, in the early history 
of the C-lony, to have been considered more as an 
annoyance than a crime. The West Indians were in* 
fested with Pirates— Freebooters— Dutch, French and 
English, who preyed generally upon the Spaniards' 
and traded freely with ihe N. E. Colonists. 

Buccaneering or freebooting does not seem to have 
been, or regarded a« piracy in the beginning, because 
then based on regular letters of marque and reprisal. 
Besides, the Buccaneers were also smugglers for the 
Spaniards. Carles the 2d knighted Morgan, one 
of the celebrated Buccaneers, and (says Edwards' 
Hist. West Indies, Vol. 1, p. 161,) is charged with 
beiDg privately concerned in their fortunes, even af- 
ter having issued public orders for their suppression. 
The system begat license, however, but being fash- 
ionable in high quarters, no wonder that piracy, so 
much resembling it, should be regarded by the Colo- 
nists as an annoyance rattier than a crime. 

English pirates came boldly into Massachusetts 
Bay from 1685 to 1705, and plundered vessels, and 
though sometimes caught, generally seem to have 
escaped punishment. In 1689, ■ pirates took the 
ketch Mary, Capt. Chard, three leagues from Half 
Way Rock, were afterwards captured in the Vineyard 
Sound, by Capt. Samuel Peas of Boston, brought to 
Boston and condemned, though they seem (says 
Felt,) to have been reprieved — and this too when 
they had mortally wounded their captor. This same 
year, the ship Pelican, a pirate, brought a prize into 
Salem (?) and sold her. It has been said that the 
pirates about New England, for thirty or forty years 
prior to 1700, were connived at. Lord Bellamont 
seems to have been the first who arrested and pun- 
ished them. Numbers were executed in Boston just 
before 1700, while Bradish, Kidd and others were 
carried to England and executed, lu 1704, Major 
Stephen Sewall, together with Captain John Turner 
and forty-eight volunteers from Salem, capture 

ing of course flourished, and great pains were 
taken by the Jearly authorities of ."Salem to 

Capt'n John Quelch and his piratical crew, who had 
gone boldly into Gloucester, and Quelch and five of 
his men were hung. So says Felt. It would seem as 
if the freebooting spirit had rather been encouraged 
at first, as against the Spaniards; but the general 
license it begat, convinced the Colonists finally that 
it was totally wrong and criminal, and they resolved 
to break it up. 

The history of Piracy and Freebooting has been 
written, and for a reference thereto, see Edwards' 
Hist. W. Indies, and Ree's Encyclopedia, Article, 
Buceaneer. After the prace of Ryswick, in 1697, 
Buccaneering in all quarteis seems to have declined. 
Before that time, Port Royal, Jamaica, seems to 
have been their rendezvous — the English profiting 
by these forays as against the Spaniards. The Span- 
iards seem to have borne the principal brunt of these 
outlaws, who, if they could not smuggle for them, 
robbed them, whether by land or sea. The New 
England Colonies reaped, after all, perhaps, the 
main benefit of their i rays against the Spaniards. 

The Turks, that is, we presume, the Barbary and 
Tunisian pirates, troubled our early Commerce, es- 
pecially when in the Engli.-h Channel, for many 
years Even the vigorous action of the great Admi. 
rals of the Commonwealth in England, did not whol- 
ly subdue these outlaws. What witl.these Pirates — 
Spanish, and French Privateers — English Freeboot- 
ers, Dutch men-of-war, and the Indians — the Corn- 
met ce of Salem up to 1730 ran at times a fearful 
gauntlet, saying nothing of the usual dangers of tne 
Sea. It is evident that the old times of commerce 
were not as good as the new. 

j:As early as 1637, the citizens of Salem prohibited 
the transportation of boards and Clapboards from 
their Plantation, without leave of the Selectmen, 
since many of "the best tymber trees'' had already 
been used for these purposes; and in 1640 the Au- 
thorities publicly asked for plank fit for shipping, 
and forbid any ship timber near Salem or Marble, 
head being made into Clapboards or pipe staves. A3 
the forest in and around Salem was then a common 
property of the inhabitants, these laws had a public 
force. To judge by some accounts of Capt. Wm. En- 
glish, as late as 1713-14, such laws were probably 
common to the maritime towns throughout New 
England; as he, being then at Branford, Connecti- 
cut, in the Briganteen Wm. & Susannah, charges as 
one item of expense at B., "to ye Selectmen, for 2 


]>r> serve the ship timber on the common lands 
fur this purpose. They seem to have been tol- 
erably successful in their effwts. The first at- 
tempts at ship building in Salem were perhaps 
somewhat rough, for as late even as 1667, a 
maritime code of laws are adopted, looking to 
the better building of vessels, and more correct 
proceedings in admiralty cases. As early as 
1644 the Gen'l Court pass an order for the bet- 
ter building of vessels. 

From 1650 to 1660, Salem seems to have 
flourished. Beginning with a population of 
some two hundred say. in 1629, she had in- 
creased to some thousand or more in 1640, and 
in spite of the setting off of Marblehead, Wen- 
ham, Manchester and part of Topsfield between 
1639 and 1650, still in 1654 she contained o- 
ver a thousand inhabitants as is supposed, and 
in 1660 probably contained from a thousand 
to twelve or thirteen hundred. Her wealth 
was most probably great in proportion to her 
population. Her territory diminished, and 
almost hfr population, yet she flourished in 
trade. B^ing in favor with the Commonwealth 
and Cromwell, Sil^m in common with the col- 
ony flourished, while Bermuda, Virginia, Bar- 
badoes and Ontega (Antigua) fell under the 
displeasure of the Parliament, because of their 
loyalty to the royal party, and were cut off 
from their trade for a while, and finally sub- 
dued. Very severe commercial ordinances 
were passed as against the colonies, but though 
professedly general in their nature, yet Massa 
chusetts and New England never suffered much 
by them, the main intent of these laws be 

permits to load Staves, Jive shillings." The 1st vol- 
ume of the Town Records of Salein contains various 
items of interest in regard to the disposal of the an- 
cient forest of Salem; the tenure by which it was 
held, both by the public and individuals, (the wood 
being sometimes expressly reserved for public uses 
in town grants of Land) and the disposition to be 
made of it by fishermen and others. The history of 
the ancient eommon rights of Salem is a very singu- 
lar and instructive one, and based upon a somewhat 
Democratic community of interests. 

ing to punish the ro)alist colonies, Virginia suf- 
fering merely by them. 

In 1651 Massachusetts is exporting corn, 
beef, pork, masts, clapboards, pipe staves, fish, 
beaver, otter and other commodities. In 1652 
she commences to coin money, an act ol sover- 
eignty, and sends out her silver coin, the prod- 
uce of the bullion taken from the Spaniards by 
ihe Buccaneers, and of the YYest India trade 
of the colonists. In 1654 no person is to carry 
out of Massachusetts more than 20 shillings in 
*coin, and searchers are appointed to see that 
the law is obeyed. About this time the Dutch 
trade (with New York) is so profitable to Mas- 
sachusetts, that our people are indisposed to 
war with their Dutch neighbors, the other col- 
onies being otherwise disposed. This shows 
that the commerce of Massachusetts with New 
York was then important, and in all probabil- 
ity Salem was somewhat engaged in it. In 
1655 Admiral Blake punishes the Algiers and 
Tunis Pirates, and Jamaica is wrested from 

♦Money was scarce in Massachusetts for a long pe- 
riod, and even the customs were often paid in grain. 
of course at a certain cash value. The General 
Court in 1631 made Indian corn a legal tender for 
debts, unless money or beaver was expressly mention- 
ed as the consideration. This was partly to encourage 
the raising of grain to prevent future famine, and 
partly, perhaps, a necessity of the times. Beaver, 
wampum, grain, fish, lumber and live stock were all 
specie in tbe early davs of Massachusetts — part of 
them even down to 1775. 

One of the reasons for this state of things was, that 
Massachusetts mainly creited her own wealth by her 
own independent industry, and with none of the pre- 
cious metals in her soil. It was in furtherance of her 
independent industry and spirit, that in 1652 she 
Commenced coining money on her own account, and 
it is a striking evidence of her practical independence 
of the English government both at that time and for 
years afterwards. It was as reasonable in her, toOj 
as it was independent, and was finally regarded in 
England as a practical declaration of independence, 
and is duly paraded as one of the crimes of Massa- 
chusetts in the judgment to vacate the colonial char- 
ter in 1684. The coining of money is one of the at- 
tributes of sovereignty, and was so considered as 
against Massachusetts, 


the Sp.ini.irds, and so opens another field for 
our commerce. The fame of the great English 
Admirals of the commonwealth made all our 
colonial commerce more secure up to 1660, 
e?en the Dutch being obliged to give way he 
fore them, in 1055 the General Court see and 
feel the necessity of encouraging commerce as 
well as husbandry, and of promoting an union 
between them. In 1633 appears a notice of 
the farmers of the customs in Massachusetts, 
the customs being let out — farmed out — as was 
a custom in Old England at the time. Felt 
says that there was a port house (fCustora 
House) on the South River in Salem in 1636, 
and that there was another called The French 
House on South River in 1645, lasting thirty- 
four years. These must then have been insti- 
tuted by the colonial authorities, and not by 
the home government. 

From the restoration of Charles the 2d, in 
1660 to J1670, the period when we take up the 

-f-The Custom House in Salera in 1682 wa.s a small 
building adjoining, or attached to the old mansion of 
Benjamin Brown, Esq , still stauding on Essex and 
East streets- This tact seems to indicate that the 
commerce of Salem at that porio i was carried on in 
the lower part of the town, and that this location was 
a centra] one. Our authority here is Benj. Brown, 
Esq., himself, now an octogenarian and a dweller up- 
on the spot. 

:fThe Massachusetts colonists, according to Hutch- 
inson, admitted to the King's commissioners in 1665, 
that they possessed about 80 vessels of from '20 to 40 
tons, about 40 from 40 to 100 tons, and about a dozen 
ships above 100 tons. Of these Siletn had undoubt- 
edly built, and then owned, her share. The Colony 
Records confirm this. Vol. 4 par* 2. 

In 1 080 Massachusetts seems to have about 120 
ships, sloops, ketches and other vessels, viz: — 8 or 
10 snips of 100 toqs or upwards, 3 or 4 of 200 tons 
or more, 40 or SO fishing ketches between 20 and 40 
tons, and about G or 8 English ships which come to 
trade. The most of these 12Q vessels belonged to 
the colony. The balance (unaccounted for) were co- 
lonial, West India and orher traders, we suppose, 
and were sloops and ketches very probably See Mass. 
Ui>t. Coll. — Article, "Gleanings for New England 
History." 3d series vol. 8 page 333. 

history of Philip English as one of oar Salem 
merchants. Salem seems still to progress in 
commerce. Sal^tn is ||building vessels for her 
own trade, and perhaps for other places. From 
1659 to 1677 there appear to be not less than 
four noted ship builders in Salem. one of whom, 
Jonathan Pickering, gets a grant of land 
about Hardy's Co^e, from the town, to him- 
self and heirs forever to build vessels upon. — 
From 16J2 to 1718 seven ship builders appear 
prominent in Salem, among whom are the 
names of Joseph Hardy and William Beckett, 
the latter name being associated even down al- 
most to these days with ship huilding — a Beck- 
et having built the fast sailing America, cruis- 
er, for the Crowninshields. In 1721 so impor- 
tant had hecome our ship building in Massa- 
chusetts, that sixteen master builders belong- 
ing to the Port of London petition the Lords 
of Plantations not to encourage ship huilding 
in New England. They say their journeymen 
are drawn to this country, and that in case of 
need there would not be a sufficiency of ships 
for the royal navy. Massachusetts was then 
too well rooted and grounded in independence 
and prosperity to heed these assaults. She 
practically disobeyed too, the act of 1660 — the 
plantation act — which would have compelled 
her ships to give bonds to the Custom House 
in England, to carry plantation produce to 
England, or the other English possessions, — 
In 1662 our town authorities endeavor to ac- 
commodate at the Burying Point, those desir- 
ous ol graving vessels, which shows our com- 
merce then to have been of public importance. 
About this time the Virginia trade is of conse- 
quence, several of our citizens being engaged 
in if. In 1663 William Hollingworth, a Sa- 
lem merchant, agrees to send 100 hogsheads of 
tobacco from the river Potomaek. by ship from 

||The Neck— about the Burying Point — on the creek 
(South River) — various places on the South River — 
Hardies Cove— Frye's Mills — are all noted as locali- 
ties for ship yards \n o\x.r Salem history — the Neck 
(including Winter Island) being probably the most 
ancient among them. 


Boston to Plymouth in England, the Island of 
Jersey, or any port in Holland, and thence to 
the said Island for £7 sterling a ton. The un 
warrantable war commenced against the Dutch 
by the home government in 1664, and which 
resulted in the capture of N. York Irom Hol- 
land, reacted upon the colonial commerce se 
verely,for De Ruvter made in 1665 considerable 
havoc at Newfoundland, by accident alone was 
kept from Now England, and alarmed all the 
colonies ; and in 1667 some Dutch men-of 
war ravaged the coast of Virginia, plundered 
gome eighteen or nineteen sail of merchantmen 
John Brown, son of elder John, of Salem, Wil 
liam Hollingworth, John Norman and Robert 
Stone of Salem, being taken prisoners and 
plundered by them. They threatened to visit 
New England, and this irritated and seriously 
alarmed the colonists. 

In 1667 the colony encouraged the making 
a dry dock which is subsequently located at 
Charlestown. It appears in 1668 from a peti- 
tion extensively signed in Salem, for the repeal 
of an order of a late General Court, laying a 
*duty of one per cent, on imports and exports, 

*The duties levied by the Colonial Government on 
its Commerce were not oppressive, or if judged to be 
onerous were soon changed, especially as the General 
Court and Governor looked to the popular sentiment 
of the Colony, and respected it far more than the 
threats or frowns of the mother country, whether in 
matters of trade or policy. In 1635, the duties 
amount practically to £5 per cent. In 1636 Tobacco, 
strong drinks, Wine, Sugar, Spices, and fruit— that 
is articles of luxury — pay one-sixth of their value, 
with an additional one third for retailing. In 1645, 
Wines from different quarters pay from 5 to ten 
shillings the pipe — fresh wines 2s 6d per hogehead, 
and Strong Waters 10 shillings per hhd. In 1648, 
somewhat similar duties are paid on Spirits. In 
1676, Goods, Wares and Merchandize, living cattle 
and provisions pay 10 shillings on each £100 value — 
Wines pay from 10 shillings to £1. per ton — Brandy 
£2 do. Every ship of 200 tons and upwards, 10 
shillings the ton — small vessels each voyage 6s. 8d. 
(this was for the Colony vessels — their parses from 
the Governor, we presume) — Each Stranger vessel, 
not built in the Colony and above 20 tons, paid each 

and 2 d on all grain from adjacent colonies, 
that from 30.000 to 40,000 bushels of grain 
were brought into Massachusetts. Other towns 
petition likewise. From this we see that Mas- 
sachusetts was dependent on the more south- 
ern colonies, probably, for grain, and that a 
considerable trade was carried on 'between 

voyage one half pound powdtr per ton, or 9d in mon- 
ey — Strangers vessels, a ton Pd — no customs on any 
exports, except 6d each on Horses. At this date, 
foreign vessels from all quarters trade freely with 
Mass., and are encouraged to do so by our authori- 
ties in direct opposition to the English Laws of 
Trade. In 1680, one penny a pound on goods im- 
ported — no export duty. In lt>86. Sir EJmund An- 
dros began his tyrannical rule in Massachusetts, and 
levied exorbitant taxes, according to Trumbull, part 
of which may have fallen on Commerce. In 1689, 
he is over thrown, and King William proclaimed. 
The Charter he grants, is not so favorable to the 
Colonists for Commerce, as tLeir old one, which they 
bad construed moreover in their own (avor, and in a 
very libeial manner. As the Colonists had con- 
trolled their own trade, and had enj >ved heretofore 
a comparative free trade, and had thriven by it, and 
saw its advantages, they spiritedly declared through 
the first act of their Legislature after they had re- 
ceived the Charter, that "no aid, tax, tollage, assess- 
ment, custom, loan, benevolence, or imposition what- 
soever shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied on 
his majestys subjects or their estates, on any pre- 
tence whatever, but by the act and consent of the 
Governor, Couocil and representatives of the people 
assembled in General Court." This was intended to 
maintain their independence in trade, as before the 
charter, and in 1718, the General Court went so far 
as to lay a dutv on English goods and English built 
ships, which, however, was soon repealed, but their 
boldness caused great displeasure in England. These 
things however show the spirit and independence of 
the Colonists. In 1726, the duties ran from 20 to 30 
shillings per pipe on Wine — Rum 20s. the hhd. of 
100 gallons — Sugar 2s. the hhd. — Molasses Is. do — 
Tobacco 20s do — Logwood 3s. the ton — other goods 
or merchandize, except those from Great Britain, Id. 
for eve r y 20s. worth. In 1701, the duties on Rum 
and Wine in Salem, were £60 10s., and in 1732, 
£800 to £900. This latter amounted to three fifth* 
of the whole revenue of Massachusetts in 1680 — which 
was then, according to Gov. Bradstreet, about 


them. As the colonial vwsels in those days 
were small, and carried other article besides 
grain, there were probably, (judging from oar- 
goes some years later) from forty to fifty 
vessels employed in the coast trade, averaging 
from twenty -five to thirty five or forty tons. — 
Of these, Salem undoubtedly ,had her share. — 
This, too. is independent of *he rishinjj fleet, 
•which doubtless was simply engaged in fishing. 
The colonial ketches and sloops ran to the 
West Indies, to Spain, the Wine Inlands and 
the Streights, and brought return cargoes which 
were despatched fcoastwise, together with our 

-j-To judge by Gov. Bradstreet's answer to the Lords 
of the Council in 1680, our coastwise trade to Virgin- 
ia and Maryland for grain, tobacco, &o , must have 
begun after that time, as he appears to be silent on 
the point. Knowing the desires of the authorities in 
England to fasten their laws of trade upon us, he 
may, however, have rather underrated our commerce 
and enterprise at that time. The trade (and direct 
Salem trade) with the southern colonies was evident- 
ly well established between 16(j0 and 1070, and was 
eveu then important. Between 1690 and 1720 it 
flourished greatly, and was prominent, if we a"e not 
mistaken; dowa even to the American Revolution. — 
The coastwise trade of Massachusetts, and of Salem 
as one of the thee principal seaports in it, was con- 
fined principally at first -prior to 1640 — to the New 
England states, and thence gradually extending to 
New York (with the Dutch) and still further South- 
So it seems, at least. The colonists finally purchased 
their grain, tobacco, &c, oi Virginia and Maryland, 
by the West India produce they bought with their 
fish, &c. It is of course impossible to tell the exact 
time when this particular course oi trade commenced. 
Tne colonies bought grain of the southern colonies 
at an early day, however — to judge liom some few 
items of history. The early authorities of New En- 
gland may not have been very communicative to the 
English rulers, knowing that every admission they 
made was to be used as an additional argument why 
they should conform to the laws of trade in Englaud. 
The colonists plead poverty to evade these laws, 
sometimes truly, sometimes perhaps wisely; and oc- 
casionally resisted thein outright. They sometimes 
boldly carried on a contraband trade, and the Gene- 
ral Court was both wisely silent and blind in the mat- 
ter. The <H>loni.-<ts were for free trade, and it proved 
to bo an ineradicable trait iu their commercial char- 

Yankee notions, and this very grain taken as 
part of the final return cargo to Massachusetts; 
It is certain that S.ilem flourished by this gen- 
eral trade, as Josselvn says of Salem in 1664, 
'•In this town are some very rich merchants." 
The colonists seem occasionally to have been 
troubled with Jpiracy, both native and for- 
eign, which not put down until after 1700. 
By a law passed by the town in ||1669, refus- 
ing permission to transport wood or timber by 
land or sea from the town commons, without 
leave of the selectmen, we can judge that a 
free use had f>een made of the naiive forest of 
Salem for lumber, staves, and ship building, 
as well as wood for the fishermen, and the com- 
mon use of the town, and that the scarcity was 
beginning to be felt. From the years 1640 to 

4:In 1684 the General Court pa-»s an order for the 
seizure of pirates and privateers, authorizing certain 
officers to raise armed men for that purpose — making 
it lawful to shoot those resisting such officers or men 
under them, or if captured, are to be put to death as 
capital offenders. Any officer refusing to serve against 
sucb outlaws, to be fined £50 or be imprisoned, and 
any inhabitant called upon by such officers, if refus- 
ing to appear promptly, and well armed, to pay £5 
or suffer corporal punishment. 

In 1685 Capt. Sampson Waters of Boston, is grant- 
ed a commission against certain pirates off New Lon- 
don, and a proclamation made by order of General 
Court, and by beat of drum, for volunteers. The vol- 
unteers, as an inducement, are to "have an equal 
and just division in all the pirates' goods and estates 
taken with them; and no purchase, no pay" — Lord 
Bellamout seems to have been the first who was suc- 
cessful in su'uduiug t em. 

|| n 1676, however, Salem is said to be one of the 
principal places tor building vessels, at £4 the ton. 
In Book 2 leaf 47 Salem Records (Registry of Deeds) 
is an agreement between John Browne & Company 
and William Stevens oi N. L., shipwright, 
under date of 1661, in which Stevens agrees to build 
"one new shipp of sixty-eight foot long by ye keele 
<fcc" at £3 5s the ton. Brown & Company were con- 
nected with the Jersey trade, Browne himself being 
a resident of Salem, the others at the Isle of Jersey, 
as it appears. The trade was most probably a Frtnch 
one. The "shipp" appears to have been a little over 
100 toms burthen, say 110. 


1670 it in reanonahly certain that Salem flour- 
ished greatly in commerce, and all branches 
connected with or dependent upon it, and to a 
greater extent comparatively, than for the thir- 
ty years after 1070, closing with the century. 
Her prosperity, in common with the colony, af- 
ter 1670, attracted the jealousy and greed of 
the home government, and the days of the Com- 
monwealth being numbered in England-, she 
had no powerful friends there to interpret co- 
lonial lawb in her favor, or drive her enemies 
from power. The impetus, however, which 
she ha I already gained in commerce, and 1 er 
natural independence, carried her <jhi*ough and 
over many obstacles, nor was Salem fan ly sub- 
dued by her suhnequent ill-fortunes until 1711. 
Her troubles may have been sad' to have fairly 
commenced in 1677, when our General Court 
order the navigation laws of England to be 
obeyed, and culminated locally in 1692, with 
a continuation of commercial misfortune up to 

The Fisheries, as we have said, were the 
main reliance of Salem in the early days, and 
were indeed declared by the Council to the 
House in 1708 to be '-the chief staple of the 
Country."' Ureat attention was paid of course 
to them. In 1670 the General Court denounce 
Tortuga Salt as impure, and declare Fish cured 
with it to be not merchantable. The phrase 
*' Merchantable Cod bish" 1 is often met with in 
the old accounts some years prior to and after 
1700, and this may in some degree explain the 
phrase. There is also the phrase "Refuse 
Cod,'' which was ordinary or defective from 
some cause, and was shipped largely to the 
"West Indias, for the Negroes mostJ probably. 
The dry Merchantable Cod Fish went to Spain, 
the Streights and the Wine Islands. In 1726 
we see the General Court passing an act for 
the better curing and culling o r Fish — the lack 
of care having brought our Fish into disrepute 
in foreign markets. 

From the year 1670 to 1740, the period at 
which we close our remarks upon the com 
inerce o! Salem, our New England trade was to 

the *West Indies, and most parts of Europe — 

* Among the old Commercial papers of the English 
Family, is found tlie following letter directed ''To 
Coron'll Samuel Brown Esq., 

Marcti't in, calem, 

New England. 
St. Christopher, Feub: ye Uth, 1727-8 

Coro'll Brown. 

Sr — Having mett with ye Opportunity to writ to 
yon by Capt. Timberlake that Stopper! to erne here 
from Suranam having bin taken to \\ indward of 
Martinieo By ye Ghiarde coast k Brought to Guarde- 
loopeand had a law sute with them, I to you from 
Martinieo to Acquiih.t you of Being a new General 
arrived there Which will not grant any permission 
att all, then I went to Q-uardnJoope & they would 
not lett me come a Shoare then I went to Antigoa, & 
found ye Markett there so loe, fish wa> sold for 10s per 
ql then I came Here & thought fit to stay here Be- 
cause wee have news ot three Spanish Privateer that 
was about ye Leward Island.- I sold all ye fish at 14 
per ql Board sell from lour to five pounds Rum is 
here 2s 3d p gall, Malasses is at 9d Cotton is at 12d p 
pound 1 can not Si II ye Shingle I have about 1UUU0 
of Board to sell, there »s no Soalt at any of ye 
Islands [ here that ye fleet will not goe to Tortuga 
I shall make all ye Hispatch home Again I can, so 

Sr. yr Humble Serv't 

John Touzel. 

Molasses is very scase to be had" 

Note. In No. 2 of this Magazine will be found 
a letter of Instructions from this same Sam'll Brown 
to Touzel in 1727. By the fleet going to Tortuga, 
Capt. Touzel probably means the New England ves- 
sels then trading to the West Indies, which would go 
to T. to load in part, at 1 east, with Salt for the New 
England Fisheries. But what a pursuit of Com- 
merce under difficulties does not this letter disclose'? 
V\ hat with rumors of Guard Coasts, law suits, re- 
fusals to land, low markets, and Spanish Privateers, 
Capt. John Touzel seems to have had trouble enough! 
There is no doubt, but that he did "make all ye 
Dispatch home again" he could, keeping too his eyes 
sharply to windward as he sailed out of St. Christo- 
pners, and for many a good league beyond, to fee 
whetrier the "Three Spanish Privateer" were not on 
his track. Right glad too was ''Coron'll Samuel 
Brown Esq.," to see Capt John sailing peaceably 
into Salem Harbor, safe at last from fears and foes. 
Those who look upon the old times as the best, would 
nave been cured of their delusion, no doubt, could 
they have taken this cruise with Capt John, after 
one to the West Indies and back in this day and gen- 

Wfc will only add, this Capt. John Touzel was a 
Son in law of Philip English, and appears to have 


including fSpiin, France, and Holland At 
times there appear to have been instances of 
irregular trade with the French at Newfound- 
land, by which brandy, wine, oil and English 
manufactures were brought into Salem Thin 
trade seems to have been boldly and openly 
maintained however. From the year 1G86 
New England appears to have a flag ol her own, 
having a cn^s of red color on a white ground 
with a crown in the middle of the cross, and un- 
der the crown J. R. (James Rex ) A Dutch 
book entitled the Ship Builder, (so says Felt) 
and printed in Amsterdam in 1705, states that 
the flag of JNew England is blue, with a 

lailed for William & Samuel Browne, noted mer- 
chants of that day. Some of his Sea Journals are 
yet extant, and in the Esse 1 Institute. 

fin the Salem Records (Registry of Deeds) Book 
5 Folio 170, is to be found recorded the Instructions 
of Richard Lowe to his partner Mr. John Black 
leach, who is directed to purchase what fish or other 
goods are needed (beside the fish already bought in 
Salem) for the Kecch Blessing, thence to prooeed to 
Bilboa, Spain, to sell his cargo, and thence to some 
part of France , where it may be most advantageous 
to lay ont the proceeds in Linen cloth, and whatever 
else may be best, and thence directly to Boston. 
Black leach as partner is to have "noe wages" but 
instead, 10 per cent on the sale of Lowe's portion in 
Bilboa and 5 per cent do at Boston. Date of In 
■tractions Nov. 21, 1672. From several wills we 
have seen in the Probate Office from about the same 
date to 1700, Bilboa, it seems, was a favorito mar- 
ket for our Salem vessels, and continued to be for a 
long time after. 

X't may be that the flag spoken of by the "Ship 
Builder," printed in Amsterdam, 1705, was a New 
England fl.igpnV to 1686. What makes this proba- 
ble, is, that in 1665 the King's Commissioners de 
Biro, among other things, that the true flag shall be 
hoisted on Massachusetts vessels. Colony Records, 
Vol. 4, Part 2. This would seem to imply that 
Massachusetts, if not New England, had then a flag 
of hor own. The flag of 1086 is that of New Eng- 
land, under Sir Edmund Andros, and any one desi- 
rous of seeing a good representation of that flag, can 
fln-1 it (as taken from tho British State Paper office,) 
in Arnold's History of the State of Rhode Island, 
Vol. 1, opposito page 496. It is by no meana un- 

white free quarter, which is divided in four 
by a red cro^s, having in the first subdivision 
a sphere of separated hemispheres, alluding to 
America as the New World. 

From the years 1686 to 1689 inclusive, Sa- 
lem is trading to ||Barbadoes, London, Fayal 

likely that Mass ichusett3 (and New England acting 
with her,) had a separate flag as early as 1660 It 
was no more an independent measure on her part 
than the coining of money n 1652, and that was 
clearly an act of sovereignty. The Magistrates in 
1673 tell Wayborne. who itieu complains to them of 
their permitting a free colonial and foreign trade, 
as against law, "that they were his majesties vice 
admirals in those seas, and that they would do that 
which seemed good to them," and they evidently did, 
including very probably the hoisting of a Colonial 
flag on board their ships. As the people then chose 
their own Governor and Admiralty officers, as well 
as Representatives, we c.„n readily see that they had 
about their own way in all matters relating to Com- 
merce. It was not until the Charter was cancelled, 
that this freedom was checked — and then only to 
gain new force for the final explosion of Liberty at 
the Revolution. 

||Ao?ongthe English papers is a letter of Win. 
Hollingwoith, then a merchant in Barbadoes, under 
date of Sept. 19, 1687, which is of a commercial 
character, relating especially to the imports into 
that Island from Salem. The letter is directed on 
the outside, "For Mrs. Elanor Ilolliogworth, Att 
Sallein, In New England," and reads: 

"Dear and Honoured mother 

"My Duty be presented to you with my kind love 
to my brother and sister and to ye children. Yours 
by Mr. Prance I Recieved; fish now att present bares 
A g^od rate by Reason ye Newfoundland men are 
not yet Come in but I believe itt will be low anuffe 
about three monthes hence; bread aod peiece [pease] 
hath been A good Commodity and Continues, loum- 
ber is lowe still, oyle will be ye principle Commodi- 
ty but in good Cuske wee are in great likelihood of 
A brave cropp; this latter part of ye year hath 
proved very Seasonable, ye lord be praised for itt, 
pray lett my brother see this letter I cannot tell 
what to advice hiin to send as yert besides oyle but 
in A short tyme wee shall see wiiat these newfound- 
land men will doe what quantitve* of fish they bring 
in and then I will advice farther I will slip noe op- 
portunity in advising him, soe. with my serviss to all 
my frinus [friends] I subscribe my Selt'e your obedi* 
ent Son to Command. Wm Hollivgworth. 

pray fail not my dear Mother in sending me half 


and Barbadoes, Pennsylvania, St Christophers, ' 
Virginia and Antigua. The great majority of 
her vessels are ketches from twenty to forty 
tons, and from four to six men. Only one ship 
appears among them, and her tonnage is but 
130 tons. Salem however, it appears, was in- 
directly engaged also in the Virginia and Hol- 
land trade, carrying tobacco from Virginia 
to Europe. In 1690 there seems to have com- 
menced a local trade of boating goods to and 
from Boston, but how long it continued after 
1693 is in doubt. The French war now begins 
.to trouble Salem, and from this time to 1697 
she loses over fifty of her fishing ketches by the 
French and Indians. Some of our Sa'em peo- 
ple stiff >r in these years by being impressed on 
board British men of war. In 1698-9 Regis- 
ters are taken out for 25 vessels oelonsr'mg to 
Salem — 2 ships, 1 barque, 3 sloops and twen- 
ty ketches. The most average from $0 to 40 
tons. Only five exceed the hitter amount. 
One of the ships was 80 and the other 200 tons. 
The largest was built here, as well as 17 more 
of the number. 

In 1700 the foreign trade of Salem is thus 
described by Higginson : — '-Dry Merchantable 
Codfish, for the markets of Spain, Portugal 
and the Straits. Refuse fish, lumber, horses, 
and provisions for the West Indies. Returns 
made directly hence to England, are sugar, 
molasses, cotton wool^ logwood and Brasiletto 
wood, for which we depend on the West Indies. 
Our own produce, a considerable quantity of 
*whale and fish oil, whalebone, furs, deer, elk 

kentle of Cuske and some aples and some barbe- 

ryes and ye lott of Cuske. 

Barbadots, ISeptm 19, 1,687, Bridgetown. 
. My Serviss to Mr. Croade, Mr. Andrews and to 
Mr. Adacnes, and to Mr. Beaj. Allin. W. H. 

Note. The oil mentioned in this letter, may, in 
part, have been Whale oil from the Gape Cod whale 
fisheries, or taken perhaps by Salem whaling boats 
in Massachusetts Bay. 

♦From some old testimony searched out from the 
Files of the Essex, Co. Courts by Ira J. Patch, Esq., 
and referring to the Ancient Whale Catching Cus- 
toms of the Fishers in Cap.e Cod Bay in 1708, we 
are inclined to believe that Beverly was engaged in 

and bear skins are annually sent to England. 
We have much shipping here, and freights are 
low,"' From 1700 to 1714. inclusive, registers 
were granted to the following vessels of Salem, 
— 4 ships, 3 barques, 9 brigs, 24 f sloops and 
19 ketches. They ranged from 15 to 90 tons ; 
40 of them were built in Salem. In 1705 the 
ship Unity, of 270 tons, was built in Salem, 

this fishery then, and in all probability Salem also. 
The testimony, as copied by Mr. Patch, can be seen 
in the Salem Gazette of Jan. 1, 1858. As whaling, 
was then an old, long established pursuit in our 
Bay. Salem may have entered into it, as Boston did, 
and with a like profit. This is most probably the 

■j-Among the English Papers are to be found a few 
accounts of Capt. Win. English, (son of Philip,) 
who in 1709 and 11 is commanding respectively the 
sloops Mary and Arke bound to and from Virginia 
and Maryland. He carries thither Molasses, Rum, 
Salt, Cider, Mackerel, Wooden Bowls, Platters, 
Pails, Kegs, Muscavado Sugar, Cans and Cod- 
fish, and is ordered to bring back to Salem, W T heat, 
Pork, Tobacco, Furs, Hides, Old Pewter, Old Iron, 
Brass, Copper, Indian Corn, if cheap, and English 
Goods. In 1712 Wm. English sails for Surinam 
(Dutch Guiana) in the Mary, with orders to fill up 
with Molasses, or freight for Salem and Boston. 
There is a letter extant of this Wm. English to a 
"Mr. Isaac Knolcott of Surjname,'' which may have 
some little commercial information in it, and which 
rather goes to disprove the modern idea that the 
liquors the ancient people drank were always of the 
purest description, and therefore very wholesome. 
In this matter, as in most matters of tue past, "Dis- 
tance lend:* enchantment to the view." 

'.'Sailem, July the 2d, 1713. 
Mr. Isaack Knolcott, 

Sr: heair is in Closed Bill of Lading & invos 
for one hogshead of Verey Good Midlin Cod fish 
shiped you by the Sloop [illegible] Capt. John Shad 
ock oommand'r whitJh I hope wjU Com Safe to yr 
hands. I haue not yet sold all your Melasses By 
Resen yt when it came a shore it Stunk & was Salt 
So that Every Body that came to see hitt Sade yt it 
was i ut in Either a fish Barrell ,or Porke or Beef 
Barrell [ have Sent it to ye Stillers to have it Stild 
[DistilledJ into Rum. I shall make ye most of it I 
cann, & as for Talow [Tal ow] thare is none to Be 
had. I shall Send jou what Remanes yet dew to 
you By the next opportunity. 

T Rest y'rs, 
Wm. EngMsh." 


for Boston and London merchants, and in 1709 
Joseph H.irdy built the ship American Mer- 
chant, ol Glascow, in Saleni* bhe was of K v 
tons burthen, and he was one of the owners. 
From 1711 to 1718 our vessels traded to Ma- 
deira, Surinam. Jamaica, Barhadoes, Bilboa, 
Lisbon, Bristol and London. In 1721 some of 
our citizens Were accused of an irregular trade 
with Cape Breton, and the Legislature wink at 
it. Lumber, provisions, and tobacCo are car- 
ried thither, and wine, brandy, linen, silks and 
other goods brought hack. In 1733 as many 
as ten vessels bound to or from Barbadoes and 
Saltatuda. are in tha ice in our harbor, and 
people are employed to cut them out. From 
11721 to 1740 our trade was to various parts of 
the West Indies, North Carolina, Maryland, 
Saltatuda. Oporto, Fayal, Lisbon, Canso, Bar- 
badoes, || Bilboa, Gibraltar, Leghorn, Canaries, 
Jamaica, New Foundland, "[[Leeward Islands, 
Cadiz, Alicant, Mediterranean, Virginia, St. 
Martins, Antigua. 

The trade of Salem, immediately after its pef- 
mament settlement, was under the control and 

Jin 1721, the Collector of the District, which in- 
cludes Salem and adjacent Sea Ports, states that he 
dears out SO vessels on an average every year 

Felt's Annals. 

||W e have In our possession a few letters of in- 
struction, from SaWll Browne of Salem, to his Capt. 
John Tonzell, ranging through fcne years 1728-9, in 
which Tonzell i* ordered to deliver his cargo of 
"Scale Fish, middling Cod, and merchantable Cod'' 
at Bilboa, Spain, and tber.ce get freight for Lisbon 
or Cadiz, and load with 8alt at St. Uhes" for N. E; 
or he may take a freight from L. or C. to Ireland, 
Ilollund or England, and then go to the Isle of May 
for salt: or he may sell the Brigantine [Endeavor of 
■ixty tons, plantation built] for £450 or £500, if be 
•an get that for her abroad. 

IT 1732— Salom has about 30 fishing ressels, much 
less than formerly, and the same number which go 
on foreign voyages to Barbadoes, Jamaica, and other 
"West India islands; some to the Wine Island?; otlu-rs 
•arry fish to Spain, Portugal, and the "Streights." 
— Felt's Annals, appendix. 

Hutchinson says our Massachusetts trade with the 
British West Indies was mutually profitable nntil the 
peace of Utrecht in 1713. It then began to deelioe. 

auspices of the Home Company. They, how- 
ever, linding that their joint stock (for the 
trade was managed by the Company as a Cor- 
poration') was sinking in value through the ex- 
penses of colonization, viz : purchase and main- 
tenance of ship?", supplies, transportation of 
passengers, colonial expenses, add probably in- 
suffijent returns, re-organised their operations, 
creating two kinds of stock, or else more effect- 
ually Separating and dividing their old stock. 
One of these stocks was culled the Joint Stock, 
the other the Common Slock. The Joint Stock 
was to be a trade stock. This they passed over 
to the management of Mr. John VV'inthrop, 
Governor, and others, as undertakers. These 
undertakers were to manage this stock for seven 
years, with certain pecuniary advantages to 
themselves, run all risks, and, at the end of 
the seven years, account for the stock and its 
profits, the same to be divided to every stock- 
holder in proportion to his adventure therein. 
It was not, therefore, a s'ale of the stock to the 
undertakers, but only the assumption of its 
management, on favorable pecuniary terms, 
by the undertakers, in consideration of their 
running all the risks. The common stock was 
entirely distinct from the joint stock, which 
was expressly declared by the Company, Feb. 
10, 1G30. (see Felt's Annals, vol. I. p. 148,) to 
be * i ofdained for the maintenance, of the trade." 
At the same date and meeting of the Company, 
(see Felt's Annals, same vol. same page.) it 
was determined "that a common stock should bt 
raysrdjrom such as beare good affecon to the 
pladacon and prop ag aeon thereof, and the same 
to be employed only in defrayment of publigue 
charges, as maintenance of rmnist<rs, transpor- 
tacon of poorejamylyes, building of churches 
and jfortyfy cations , and all other pubhque and 
necessary expenses of the plantacon. <!jfc. y ' The 
reason given for the formation of this *CommoB 

'This Common Stock was evidently in furtherance 
of Plantation purposes (not trade) since every per- 
son subscribing to it the sum of £50 was entitled ft 
'200 acres of land, and proportionably for any smaller 
sum. So it was an emigration measure. 


Stock was, that the furtherance of the planta 
tion Would necessarily require a great and con- 
tinual charge, which could not, with conve- 
nience, he defrayed out of the Joint Stock 
(Srade stock) of the Company. 

Certain undei -takers aeem to have been cho- 
sen to manage this common stock, perhaps the 
same as were to manage the trade or joint 
stock. It is obvious, however, that the Home 
Company did not part with their interest in 
this stock, since at the same meeting (Feb. 10, 
1630,) "it is further agreed on and ordered, 
that an order bee drawne vpp and published vn- 
der the seale of the Company, to sigmjie and 
declare to what vses all such rnonyes as are giu- 
en to the common stock shat be employed, and 
what land shal be allotted to each man that 
giues t hereunto, Sfcy The further facts that 
Mr. John Winthrop wa3 chosen Governor of 
the Colony by the Company in London, and 
their comtirmatiort of 000 acres in the Colony 
to Brewerton at the same meeting at which 
they established the common stock of the Com 
puny, prove that the Home Company did not 
part with any of their proprietary rights in the 
Colony, when they agreed to transfer the Pa- 
tent and Government here in 1630. Their 
joint stock or trade stock had a limit of seven 
yea*-s to run in the Colony, and at the risk of 
the undertakers, but we are unable to find 
that the common stock of the Company was ev- 
er limited in any way. To dispose of it,; was 
to dispose of proprietorship, and we see no evi- 
dence of such an intention anywhere. It was 
natural and proper that the government of the 
Colony should be transferred to the Colony, 
but the Company in England would have sold 
their proprietorship, it desirous of disposing of 
it. We see no evidence of such a sale, or the 
intention of selling. We see clearly that the 
trade of the Company was self-limited to seven 
years, and was most probably defunct several 
years before that period, but when did the pro- 
prietor's right of the Home Company cease to 
have any validity here? The answer is Der- 
haps to be found in the independence of the 

Colonists here, who managed things, after all, 
their own way. and partly in the destructive 
confusion produced by the civil troubles in 
England. Cradock evidently considered that 
he had a proprietary right in the Colony, for 
he left a claim upon it, amounting, in 1048, to 
nearly £700. 

We have devoted a short space to the investi- 
gation of this matter, not only for the purpose 
of arriving at the facts of history, but because 
we are aware that some are of the belief that 
the Home Company parted with all their inter- 
ests, pecuniary and oroprietary, in the Colony, 
to Winthrop and those coming over with him, 
and to those already here. We see no evidence 
of it. The Government and Patenr were trans- 
ferred, and the general management, both of 
government and trade ; but we cannot see that 
right or interests in either were disposeu of to 
the Colonists here. The trade of the company 
was indeed to expire at a limited period, (seven 
yea r s), but their interest in the Patent and Gov- 
ernment to continue. That it did nut continue, 
can only be explained, now, by a combination 
of circumstances, permitted by a higher power; 
in part to free the Colony from a landed mo- 
nopoly, and give it a wide freedom as the basis 
of the more glorious Commonwealth. 

Practically speaking, however, the Colonial 
government managed affairs, either of Church 
or State, from the start, to suit themselves. 
Many of the early laws, either religious or 
civil, are evidently the work of the Colonial au- 
thorities, spiritual or temporal, and very prob- 
ably entirely their own. The laws of trade 
which they passed, often have strong local 
characteristics, though they may hnve been for 
the benefit of the joint stock of the home com- 
pany and their partners in! the Colony. 1b 
1631, no corn, provision or merchantable com- 
modity could be purchased from any ship with- 
out the leave of the Governor or an Assistant, 
In 1634-5 the penalty of confiscation, or the 
loss of value of the goods, hung over those whe 
bought any commodity, from any vessel coming 
into the Colony, without a license from the 
Governor. In 1635 this wals repealed. In 


1634-5 a committee of merchants are appointed 
to purchase the cargoes of friendly vessels, 
store them, and any time within twenty days 
after the landing of the cargo, and notice given 
to the several towns, sell them to the inhabi- 
tants of the Colony at £5 per cent, profit, and 
not above. By the preceding section it would 
seem that the cargo was probably not to be 
purchased by the undertakers of the joint stock 
of the Company, and if this be so, then Salem 
begins in 1034-5 to enj>y a comparative free- 
dom from the Home Company. This agrees 
well with the fact of history th it in 1637 the 
Colonists began to build vessels for trade and 
fishing. In 1640 their independence was obvi- 
ous, and the Home Company's trade has en- 
tirely disappeared. It was probably dying or 
extinct in 1035-6. Some of the early and re 
strietive laws of trade in the Colony ruay have 
been, and probably were passed as protective 
measures, and without much reference to the 
Home Company, as for instance that of 1634-5, 
which punished any person who should go on 
board any ship on arrival without leave of some 
of the assistants, unless she had laid at anchor 
twenty-four hours in some inhabited harbor, 
(nor then unless a friend) wi.'h the confiscation 
of his estate, and such further punishment as 
the General Court should think meet to in- 
fli t ! Also that of 1635-6, wherein all persons 
are forbidden to buy any commodity fruui any 
ship before the invoice has been given to the 
Governor or Deputy Governor, nor any provi- 
sions without leave, nor to buy any provisions 
or victuals from such ship to sell again, or f car- 
ry from the Colony under pain oi a punishment 
at the discretion of the Court. Both these 
laws wero soon repealed, and were, therefore, 
we presume, merely local laws to suit some 
local emergency. 

fEven as lato a< 1CG2 we see another of those pro- 
hibitory laws, so common in the earlier day of Mas- 
sachusetts. Corn then is so scarce, that its export 
is forbidden on pain of Confiscation — tbe law to con- 
tinue in foroe until Ccn'l Court so order otherwise. 
Hero the alarming scarcity of corn in the Colony was 
donbtleas the controlling cause of the Law. 

The weekly Wednesday markets permitted 
in Salem, commencing in 1634, and the two 
yearly Fairs granted her by Gen'l Court — the 
one in May, and the other in September — com- 
mencing in 1638, must have done their share in 
stimulating the internal, and perhaps external 
trade of S. The Home Company built a bark 
here in 1629, but then oniy for their own fish- 
ermen — yet evidently a large decked boat — 
large enough to visit Newfoundland. If the 
Colony was practically free of the Home Com- 
pany in 1637, then between t! at year and 
1639 the fisheries and tvade perhaps with them 
took a good start, since in 1639, ship carpen- 
ters, which follow their calling, are exeruDted 
from training, as also were fishermen and 
millers nnder similar c.rcnmstances ; though 
they are still to be furnished with arms. These 
peculiar privileges prove the importance of 
their unconfirmed labor to the Colony at that 
time. In 1641 the Gen'l Court are fully a- 
roused to the importance of perfecting ship- 
building, which it calls "a business of great 
importance for the public good, and therefore 
suitable care is to hi taken that it be well per- 
formed,"' and makes it lawful for the owners 
to appoint and put in some suitable workman, 
as is usual in England, to survey the work 
and workmen, givi.ig him such power and lib- 
erty as helongs to his office, and, in case of 
disagreement between him and the ship car- 
penters, provides for the selection of two im- 
partial ship carpenters as referees, who shall 
decide the matter and have power to remedy 
the complaint, and their charges or fees are to 
be paid by the party at fault. 

In 1642 Salem is the second commercial 
town of the Colony. She pays £75 taxes, 
and Boston £120. The order of 1644 in ref- 
erence to ship-building evidently applies forci- 
bly to her, as well as some other places — in 
which order the Genl Court offer to incorpo- 
rate a Company of shipbuilders to regulate 
building of ships, and make such laws and 
orders among themselves as may conduce to 
the public good : — (and thus make a Guild or 


Company resembling those in the- old world ) 
In 1645, a Canary Inland ship, the Gilbert, is 
in Boston — with wines — and it is not unlikely 
that the Wine Inland vessels may have visited 
Salem as early. In 104:6 wharfage regulations 
are ordered by G*m'l Court for wharves in 
Boston and Charlestown ; and Salem, as next 
in commercial importance to Boston, may have 
had wharves thus early. In 1645 or earlier, 
there appears to have been trouble between 
foreign vessels in our harbors (perhaps in Sa- 
lem) and (Sea ?) fights took place between 
them. The General Court discourage this by 
ordering that no ships in our harbors shall 
tight any other ships during the time of their 
abode here. 

The Fisheries and Home Manufactures were 
always carerullv watched over by the Colonial 
authorities. In order that raw-hides and un- 
wrought leather should not be exported, the 
General Court prohibited their transportation 
from the colony in 1646 on pain of confisca- 
tion, or the value thereof, unless first imported 
into the Colony as Merchandize. The Fisher- 
men were early protected bv law, and granted 
various privileges, and in 1663 were empow- 
ered to use wood from any common lands for 
fish flakes and stages — the English tiwhermen 
possessing still greater privileges — being al- 
lowed to enter on to private lands for the pur- 
pose, paying a reasonable sum, however, for 
damages It was trespass in our fishermen 
to do this, but the English fishermen were con- 
sidered to have their privileges under the char- 
ter. The Colonists did not like such an exer- 
cise of their claims, but from policy perhaps 
forebore to depiive them of them. 

In 1645. the whole Colony was in a prosper- 
ous state, and Salem of course with it. When 
the Navigation laws were passed, £>alem, as 
well as the Colony evaded their application for 
a while, professing that they did not apply to 
them, since they were under the Charter, and 
Lot the Parliament. Cromwell seems ne#er to 
have urged the *Laws of Trade pertinaciously 

*The laws of trade, or navigation laws of England, 

as against the Colony, though in favor of 
them. When Charles the 2d came in, howev- 
er, his ministers weie deterurned. as well as 
the King himself, that Massachusetts should 
be curtailed in her commercial freedom. The 
Colonial Authorities saw t'.is, and the Gen'l 
Court in 1661 repeal the law a lowing friendly 
ships to trade freely in our harbors. As they 

began prior to the reign of Henry 7th. During his 
reign (in 1485,) and the reign of Elizabeth, (in 15G2, 
and again in 1593,) acts were passed favoring En- 
glish Commerce at the expense of foreign, and for 
the benefit especially of the Royal Navy — to build it 
up. During the reign of Charles the Is , these laws 
had been evaded, or were relaxed, and it was found 
necessary to revise and confirm them. When the 
Republicans triumphed in England, they passed a 
somewhat rough act in 1650, prohibiting all ships of 
foreign nations from trading with any English plan- 
tations without license from the Council of State. — 
In 1651 they passed a Navigation Act, levelled in 
part against the sugar islands, which still adhered to 
the King, and paitly ..gainst the Dutch, who then 
were the principal carriers of Europe, and whose 
ships were employed by English merchants to bring 
merchandize from America and the West Indies into 
England, in spite of former unrepealed laws, and at 
a lower rate of freight than native ships. This law 
enacted that no commodities (colonial or of any oth- 
er description) should be imported into Enghmd, un- 
less in vessels solely owned, and commanded, and 
principally manned by English subjects, and wheie 
the commodities weie foreign, unless entirely con- 
veyed in such vessels fp>in the place where the com- 
modities grew, or to which they were usually in the 
first instance transported by sea. By this the Dutch 
were cut off from the carrying trade of the Colonies, 
and their importation ol fish into England laid under 
great restriction and heavy burdens. 

This act, moreover, did not permit any but En- 
glish subjects to be factors or agents in the English 
Colonies. Before that time, the principal factors or 
agents in those Colonies were Dutch. 

At -the restoration, Charles the 2d and his Parlia- 
ment sustained substantially these laws by statutes 
in 1660 and in 1682 — the first being known as the 
famous Navigation Act. The Mass. Colonists, had 
not obeyed the laws of 1650-1, nor those of the ear- 
lier date, whieb were not repealed, and struggled 
against the Navigation Act and kindred laws until 
their final separation, from England. 


lend at the Millie time a very humble loyal ad- 
dress to the King, it is most lik ly that their 
reason wnn a desire to conciliate Charles, 
yielding only what they were forced to yield, 
and to save other privileges, or perhaps for 
form's sake. The objeet of the Trade and 
Navigation laws and policy of England was to 
make England the Magazine of Colonial 
Trade, drive off the Dutch, and compel her own 
shipping, especially the Colonial, to seek her 
own markets, pay her the legal duties, and to 
drive off all foreign Weighting vessels whatso- 
ever, when in competition with her own 
shipping. The N E Colonists had enjoyed a 
comparative free trade under Charles the 1st, 
and Cromwell, and had thriven greatly hy ir, 
and saw and felt its advantages. They were 
unwilling to come under the Laws of England 
in matters of trade, and evaded them in every 
way they could. When the Commissioners of 
Charles the 2d came over here in 1665, hacked 
by three Frigates, as a hint of the power of 
the Mother Country, the Colonists paid them 
all ostensible deference, and worked against 
them in secret. The independence of Mas a- 
chusetts was well known in England, and the 
# King hated the name ot Commonwealth even 

♦The King (Charles the 2d,) was much incensed 
against Massachusetts at the first, and told Sir Thos. 
Temple. Gov. of Nova Scotia, (brother to Sir Wil- 
liam,) that, among oth^r things, the Colonists had 
invaded the royal prerogative by coining money. 
Temple, who had returned f»-om America, arid had 
Been the urgent reasons which bad induced the Col- 
ony to take that step — the scarcity of money here, 
and the difficulty of procuring it from England dur- 
ing the civil troubles there — stated these to the King 
in extenuation, and showed him some of the Pine 
Tree iMoney. "What is that," asked the King, 
pointing to the Pine Tree, which the artist had made 
bushy and broad like the Italian Piue. "That is 
the Royal Oak, " answered Temple; "the tree which 
sheltered your Majesty." Charles being highly 
pleased at this proof of loyalty, and in great and 
condescending good humor, exclaimed, "Honest 
Dogs'" He appears in 1665 to have thought other- 
wise, but the date of Temple's vi.«it is not given. It 
may have been alter the Commissioners' return. — 

in the Law Book of the Colony, and her con- 
tempt of Episcopacy openly expressed therein. 
Both these things he desired should he swept 
away. They were a sore reminiscence to him, 
for they reminded him of the Commonwealth 
at home. II is Commissioners demanded also, 
among other things, that all Masters of ves- 
sels, and Captains of Companies should carry 
the true fcolors of England, by which they 

Felt, however, in his History of Mass. Currency, 
puts the date of Temple's visit to the King as in 
1662 Bifore Charles died, he evidently thought 
th*> Colonists were a set of "dishonest dogs." The 
mint was finally closed, about 1686, say, though 
stated by one authority to be in existence in 1706. 
Felt evidently is the better authority on this point, 
and he gives about 1686 as the date. 

Massachusetts was early and long suspected in 
England of aiming at Independence, but her pro- 
gress thitherward seems to have been in the main a 
reasonable and somewhat unconscious one. As ear- 
ly as 1639, George Burdet, who had been an assis- 
tant of Bev. Hugh Peters, privately tells Laud, and 
others of Lord Comui'rs. that the Cohmists were 
aiming more at civil independence, than reformation 
in ecclesiastical matters. S e Felt's memoir of Hugh 
Peters, in the 5th vol. Mass. Hist, and Gen. Regis- 

It seems but fair to say that the civil independence 
of Massachusetts was the natural result of the re- 
ligious independence she assumed and maintained 
trom the first. 

fin 1629 the English Ensign appears to be the 
flag of the Massachusetts Colony. In 1634, part of 
the red cross had been taken out. In 1635 the Gen. 
Court came to a reluctant conclusion to admonish 
Endeeott for cutting it out, which, it appears, he 
was somewhat instigated to do, and in the belief 
that it was an idolatrous sign — a belief then held by 
not a few of the Colonists. The English ensign 
seems then to have been laid aside, and as in 1636 
the national flag was unfurled at the Castle in Bos- 
ton Harbor, under the protestations of the magistrates, 
gi anting that liberty to various ship masters going 
from that port, we can readily see that the English 
ensign was no favorite in the Colony. The reason 
then given by the magistrates for their protest, was, 
that they held the cross in the ensign to be idola- 

From 1651 to the olos* of the Commonwealth in 
England, Massachusetts may have adopted the "old 


might be known to be his ma jetty's legitimate 
in Ejects. It was evident by this that the Col- 
onists had a fl.ig by land and B«a, wlncii was 
not of the royal pattern. They demanded 
that the law which the General Ourt had 
passed against the Act ol Navigation of En<; 
land should be repealed, and that the coining 
ol money should cease, as being a Royal pre 
rogative. The Commissioners, moreover, 
charge upon the colonists, as from the King 
that "our subjects there doe not submit to our 
Government, but look at themselves as independ- 
ent on (of) 2i5." These Commissioner gave 
much trouble, and failed in their efforts. 

In 1667. the General Court order the Naviga- 
tion Laws to be obeyed, but this legal and 
formal submission was a hollow and really 
profitless one, and so intended, for in 1673 
Wayborne, and in 1676. Randolph, inlorni the 
English Government that the Laws of Trade 
are not observed in Massachusetts, — in fact are 
"virtually inoperative — all nations trading here 

English colors," viz: tbe Cross of St. George, used 
by tbe Parliament, though the General Court, when 
adopting tbem in 1651, strongly desired an alteration 
of tbetn. As the King's Commissioners, in lt>65 de- 
sire the Colonists to raise the true flag of England, 
both on their ships and in tneir companies, it Would 
appear that Massacnusetts had adopted another flag 
than that even of tbe Parliament; for our authorities 
■were too politic to have worn the colors of the late 
English Commonwealth before tbe eyes of the King's 
Commissioners, especially while disputing with tbem; 
and it is in evidence, that though they adopted the 
Parliamentary flag in lt>61, yet they then much de- 
sired an alteration in it, perbaps on some scruple of 
conscience. Up to 1686, and under the tyrannictil 
reign of Andros, the flag of New England only ap 
proximates to the Flag of England. The ensign 
which Cromwell adopted, was, we believe, the simple 
Cross of St. George, and which appears on the coin of 
the Commonwealth. The Colonists did not like tbe 
Cross, but may have continued it, with additions of 
their own. It is evident that they did not follow 
Cromwell or tbe Commonwealth blindly in any mat- 
ter. They were unwilling to war with their Dutch 
neighbors at his command, declined to obey bis laws 
of trade, kept aloof Irom bis monied policy, and re- 
fused his offers either as to Jamaica or Ireland. 

without restraint. The Magistrates told Way- 
borne, that they, as Vice-Admirals of Ilia 
Majesty, in these seas, should do as seemed 
good to tliem. Still these laws must have 
troubled our merchants. In 1663 'ho General 
Court appointed, for appearance's wake, llil- 
liard Veren to be >vn officer lor the ports of 
Salem, Marblehead and Gloucester, to see that 
the Navigation Act of Parliament be enforced. 
lie accepted the office, and avoided its ^duties. 
The Royal Commissioners had failel in their 
attempts to practically enforce the act. Crom- 
well himsell had not been more successful 
though he in secret, perhaps, favored the Colo- 
nists. Still his attempts to induce the New 
Englanders to remove to Ireland and after- 
wards to Jamaica, are capable of two different 
constructions. At all events, our Massachu- 
setts people and rulers united in mistrusting 
England, her Rulers and her Laws, and obeyed 
them only under compulsion. 

X One of his duties was to seize ships or vessels 
pp tub-ted by that act from trading here. It evi- 
dently whs not done, though Salem, as tbe second 
(or third) commercial town in the Colony, must 
bave violated the law. It was generally violated in 
Massachusetts. S* ill tbe Colonists were troubled by 
the law, as putting them in a false commercial posi- 

To be Continued. 


Copied by Ira J. Patch. 


Andnw Creek, Sept., 1658. 

Inventory of estate of Andrew Creek, ap- 
prized by Francis Peabody and Robert An- 
drews of Topsfield, the 17th Sept., 1658, a- 
mounting to £17 17s 4d, 

List of debts owed by said Creek when he 
died, amounting to £19 16s 2d. 

Returned by Dan'l Clark, 29th 7th mo., 

John Wright. Mar., 1659. 
Administration ol estate of John Wright of 


Newbury, granted to Edward Bragg 30th 10th 
mo., 1G58, und tin invenrory returned by 
Thomas Bishop and Robert Kiusman. 

Benj'n Mont joy, 4th mo., 1659. 
Inventory of the estate of Benj'n Montjoy, 
amounting to £19 2s 51, returned by Won. 
Clarke and Josepn I) olliver ; administration 
granted to hid wife, 28th 4th mo., 1G59. 

Jno. Woodice, 4th mo., 1G59. 

Will of John Woodisof Salem, da ted -21th 
3d mo., 1659, mentions Jvam'l Very and Alice 
his wife, dau of said Woodis, Sun'l, Elizabeth, 
Sarah, Thomas and John Very, children of 
Sam '1 and Alice ; Emma Muse. A.ppts son in 
law, Sam' I Very, ex'r, Thomas Antrum and 
Thomas Flint, witnesses. proved-29th 4th mo., 

Inventory of above estate, amounting to 
£69 5> Od. taken 10th 4th mo., 1G59. by Thom- 
as James, Thomas Flint and Thomas Authrum. 

John Learn, 4th mo , 1659. 

The testimony of Eliz'h Buxton and Mary 
Fclton, as to Mr. John Leach, senior, speech 
ab'iut the disposing of his estate. They pay, 
"we, wnose names ar vnderwritten, beinge both 
in one roome, about half a yeare before the de- 
cease of sd John L"ach, senior, the sayd John 
Leach cornminge in Irom works he sayd vnto 
ys, he was so sicke he thought he should haue 
falln downe dead at his worke, and he did 
feare that he might at one tyme or other dye 
suddenly : therfore be did desire of vs both 
(that il in case it should so fall out.) to be 
witnesses that all that he had he gaue vnto John 
Leach ; and at another tyme, hauinge further 
conference about the disposinge of his estate 
vnto the eayd John Leach, we told him there 
were seueral John Leeches ; he should doe 

not to ex,presse wch of them, he sayd to 

John Leach, the son of Rich'd Leach, sayinge 
further that he bad was but litle ; if he should 
deuide it it would come to but litle." 

Inventory of above estate taken 20th 10th 

mo., 1658, hy Dan 1 Ilea aud Henry Cooke, 
amounting to £37 3s Od, 

List of debts amount to £3 10s 8d. 

Wm. Jiggles 4th mo.. 1659. 

Inventory of estate of VVm Jiggles, taken 
26th 3d mo,, 1659, by John Browne, John 
Gardner, Edmund Bitter, amount £148 
8 of the children mar'd in time long since, the 
otner abroad at sea, the eldest son in England, 
a master of ship. 

Returned by Eliz'h, widow of dee'd, 28th 
4th mo., '59.' 

Hugh Laskins, 4th mo.. 1659. 
•Inventory of estate of Hugh Laskins of Sa- 
lem, taken 21st mar., 1658-9, amounting to 
£50 2-* 10 1, returned by John Marston and 
Samuel Pickman. 

Seeth. wife of Joshua Conant, 9th mo., 1659, 
Inventory of estate of Seeth Conant. wife of 
the late deceased Joshua Conant, taken 28th 
3d mo., 1659, amounting to £32 6s 0d, re- 
turned hy John Brown and Richard Prince. 

Geo. Norton. 9th mo., 1659. 

Inventory of'G orge Norton of Salem, taken 
221 7th mo , 1659, amounting to £134 lis 
6 i. returned hy John Powlew, Jacob Birney. 

Freegrace and John Norton, eldest eons of 
ahovesaid George Norton, offjr and petition to 
the Court to allow and confirm the offer to give 
up their portion of their father, George Nor- 
ton's estate to their mother, Man a Norton, 
for her sole use during her widowhood, and if 
the Court will make division and see what the 
shares of their brothers and sisters are, they 
will pay thorn their shares that their mother 
may have the whole. 

Ages of George Norton's children ■ — Free- 
grace Norton, 24 years : John Norton, 22 
years; Nathanell, 20 years; George Norton, 
18 years ; Mary, 16; Mehitahle. 14; Sarah, 
12 ; Hannah, 10 ; Abigail, $ ; Elizabeth, 5. 

James Moore, %thmo., 1659. 
Will of James Moore of Hammersmith, dat- 


ed 5th 5th mo., 1G59. mentions littlfl daughter 
Dorothy, wife Ruth Moore appts Oliver 
Porchis and John Clarke to he overseers. Jo- 
seph Jenks, aen'r and Joseph Jenks, junior, 

Inven ory of above estate, amounting to 
£56 8s Od. returned by Joseph Jenks and 
John Hathorne. 

Sam'l Porter, 9th mo., 1659. 
Will of Sam'l Porter, dated 10th 12th mo., 

1658. being bound for the Barbadoes. 

Wife Hannah £ of his farm, son John the 
Other half of his larm at Wen ham ; after the 
death of his wife the other halt to return to 
his son. Father Porter and father-in-law 
Win Dodge, and Edmond Batter to be over- 
seers Witnesses, Edm'd Batter and Sara 
Batter, proved 28th 4th mo., *60. 

Inventory of above estate, taken 22d 4 T h 
mo . 1660, amounting to £331 19s 0d. return- 
ed by Roger Conant and John Rayment. 

Edward Brown. Mar. 1660. 

Will of Edward Brown of Ipswich, dated 
9th Feb., 1659, mentions 3 acreH, a gift given 
to his son Thomas by his aunt Watson in Olo 
England, said Thomas being dead he accounts 
his son Joseph to be his heir. Joseph to have 
his 8 acres in the common land which he 
bought of his brother Bartholomew ; wife, 
Faith Browne, son John Browne, his wife sole 
ex'tx. Witnesses. Robert and Thomas Lord, 
proved 27th 1st mo., 1660. 

Inventory of above estate, taken 20th Feb., 

1659. amounting to £225 5s 7d : debts due 
from the estate, £24 8s Id; returned by Mo- 
ses Pingry and Robert Lord, 27ch 1st mo., 

John Clements, May. 1660. 
Consent of Job dements that his Brother, 
Robert C Mements. shall be satisfied for his voy- 
age to England on his Brother, John Clem- 
ent's ac't out of the estate of his brother John 
1st mo., 26th day, 1660. 

Jane James, June. 1660. 

Inventory of estate of Jane James, widow of 
Erasmus James, dec'd, amounting to £86 la 
9d, returned bv Francis Johnson and Mosea 
Maverick. The land in Marblehead. with the 
house in wch the deceased lived and dwelt in 
being in controversy between Erasmus James 
junior, and Richard Read, wch we know not 
whose it is, but being desired by sd Erasmus 
J.aues to apprise it, the appraisers valued it at 

List of debts due by Erasmus James when 
he died, £19 14s lOd, allowed 26th June, 

Wm Golt. 4th mo., 1660. 

Inventory of estate of William Golt of Sa- 
lem, taken 21st April, 1660, amounting to 
£49 Oh Od. List of debts. £22 02« Od, return- 
ed by J' ffrey Massey and John Kitchen. 

Chil ren : — Rehecca, 19 years ; Debora, 15 
years; Sara, 13 years. 

Ed. Norns, 4th mo., 1660. 
Will of Edward Norris of Salem, minister, 
and teacher of the Church of Christ, dated in 
Salem, 9th 10th mo.. (Dec.) 1657. Son Ed- 
ward Norris; John Home and Richard Prince, 
deacons of the church in Salem. Witnesses, 
Walter Price and Elias Stileman. Proved 27th 
4th mo., 1660. 

John Bradstreet, June 1660. 
An inventory of estate of John Bradstreet of 
Mablehead, taken 14th 4th mo , 1660, by John 
Bartoll, Joseph Dolliver. amounting to £102 
19s Od, returned 26th 4th mo., '60. 

Joshua Conant, 4th mo., 1660. 
List ot charges due to Mr. Joseph Gardner, 
from the estate of Joshua Conant, amounting 
to £35 7s lid, and testimony of Hugh Janes 
and Jane Coffin, wife of Robert, concerning it, 
20th 4th mo., 1660. 

Lawrtnce Southunck, 4th mo., 1660. 
The testimony of Wm. Robinson and Thorn- 


as Gardner, that John and D iniel Southwick 
have made a very fair agree to en t about the 
dividi g of Dl eir father's estate. 

Wm. Paine. Nov., 1660. 
Copy ni inventory ,>f estate ol Wm. Paine 
of Boston, merchant, taken 22u 8th mo., 
1600. by H«n Shruupton, Joshua Scot tow, 
and John Richards, amounting to £4239. lis 
5d, returned by John Paine, his son, ^Nov. 14, 

Edrnd Nicholson, Nov., 1660, 
Inventory of estate of Edmund Nicholson of 

Marhlehead, taken 224 9th mo., 1(360. by 

Muses Maverick. Wm Nicke, John Legg. 

amounting to £150 0s 6u\ 28th Nov 1660. 

Elizabeth, relict of the deceased, app'd, and 

eworne to the truth of the inventory. List of 

debts £54. 4^ 01 
Ohildron : — Christopher, 22 yrs. ; Joseph, 

20; Samuel, 16; Joan, 14; Elizabeth, 11; 

Tbomas, 7. 

Chris. Codnor, 9th mo., 1660. 
Inventory of Christopher Codnor, amount- 
ing to £252 0* 91. Children — Mary, 5 yrs., 
Christopner 3 yrs. 

Lawrence Southwick. 9th mo., 1660. 

Will ol "Lawrence Sethiek, late of Salem, 
in New England, now being at the house of 
Nathaniell Sylvester, on Shelter Island," dat- 
ed 10th 5th mo , 1659. son Daniel, John Hur- 
nell, Jo-iah Southwick, daughter Provided, 
Bon J >lm, Samuel Burtai, Henry Traske, Ma- 
ry his dau.. and wife of Henry Traske, Debo 
rah Southwick and young Josiab, Ann Pot- 
ter, Mary. Sarah and Hannah, daus. of Henry 
Traske, Suni'l and Sarah. John South wick'3 
child) en. Wm. Robinson and Thos. Gardi- 
ner to be overseers of his will. Witness. 
Nath'l Sylvester, Thomas Harris and Wm. 
Durand proved 29th 9th mo , 1660. 

Inventory of above estate, taken by Wm 
Robinson and Thomas Gardner, amounting to 
£196 0s Od, returned 29th 9th mo., 'CO. 

Evan Thomas, Phi'ip Rt-rUand. Athrno.. 1661. 

• k A Inventory of the moveable estate wch Ev- 
an Thomas hath and doth enjoy with and by 
Alice his now wife ; taken before marriage," 
amounting to £160 14s Id. returned by Alice 
Thomas, late wile ol Philip Kertiand, 26th 
June, 1661. 

Testimony of John Kertiand. aged about 52 
years, says, *'I often hard my brother, Phillip 
Kyrtland, gay oftimes that his wife shoulald 
hano all that hee had to dispose of, so lung as 
she Hue, and to my best remembrano, hee gaue 
£15 to his daft*-? Mary, and ten pounds to his 
d after Sara, and ten pounds to his dafter Su- 
sanna, and ten pounds to his da! ter Hanna, — 
this to bee giuen to them at ye day of marriag, 
the land not to he souid so long as she liues." 
17rh 5th mo., 1659. 

William Hacher of Lynn, ag*d 65 or there- 
abouts, testified that when Pnilip Kertiand 
was going to see, he told him, in substance, as 

Bog-r Tucker, Ath mo , 1661. 

Inventory of Roger Tucker taken 25th 

June, 1661, by Francis Johnson and Moses 

Maverick, returned by Mr. George Corwin, 

28ih 4th mo., 1661, amounting to £9 14s 0d. 

J as Smith, 4th mo., 1661. 

Will ol James Smith of Marhlehead. dated 
9th 9ber, 1660 Wife Mary, gives her all that 
my farm, called Castle Hiil, with 10 acres in 
the South held bought ol Joseph Gralton, son 
James Smith, son in law Richard Rowland, 
James, eidest son of his son James, daughter 
Kathren Eborne, grandchild, Mary Eborne, 
and other 5 children o! his daughter Eborne, 
daughter Mary Rowland, grandchild Sam'l 
Rowland, ^.m\ other 3 children of his daugh- 
ter Rowland, appoints his wife sole ex'tx, ap- 
points Maj. Wm. Hatborne and his son, Sam- 
uel Eborne, to be overseers. 

Proved 27th 4th mo., '61. 

Inventory of above estate, taken 25th June, 
1661, by Fraucia Johnson, Moses Maverick, 


amounting to £492 It- Od, returned 27th 4ih 
nio , '61. 

John Sibley 4th mo., 1G61. 

Inventory of estate of John Sibley, taken 
24th June. 1661. by Win. Allen, Pasco Foot e 
and Robert Loach, amounting to £69 10s i d. 
returned by Rachel, the widow, who is appt'd 
adm'x, and it is ordered that all the estate be 
left with the widow for the bringing up of the 
children, till further order of the Court. 

lie left a widow and 9 children, 4 boys and 
5 girls ; eldest daughter, 19 years, nest about 
17, the third, 15. fourth is a son about 12 

Benj. Bui flower, 4th mo., 1661. 
Inventory of estate of Benjamin Belflower, 
deceased February 24th, 1660, taken Mir. 16, 
1661, bv Rob rt M Milton and Henry Phelps, 
amounting to £19 5s 0d. debts, £13. 

Rkh'd Browne, 4th mo., 1661. 
Will of Rich'd Browne of Newbury, men. 
son Joshua a minor, sons Richard, Edmund, 
under 21, daughters Elizabeth .Sarah ana Ma- 
ry, unmarried, and under ag**, wile to be eole 
ex tx. Son Joseph deceased. Brother G^orjre 
deceased, appts Ric'd Kent, Nich's Noyes 
Robert Long and Jot«eph Noyes, overseers. 
Witnesses. Tristram Coffin. Joseph Noyes, 
James Noyes, Moses Noyes. proved June 24, 

Thos. Seers, 4th mo., 1661. 
Inventory of estate of Thomas Seers of 
Newbury, who deceased the 16th day of May, 
1661, taken by Win. Moody, Rob Coker and 
Anthony Somerby. amounting to £93 0s0d. 
debts allowed, £13 4s 26th 9th mo., 1660. 

Isabel Babson, 4th mo., 1661. 
Inventory of estate of Isabel Babson oi'GIoe- 
tor, taken April 9, 1661. by Sam'l Dollaber, 
Philip Statnwood, amounting to £27 6s, re- 
turned by James Babson. 

W/n Witter. 4th mo , 1661. 

Will of Win. Witter, datod 165J, 5th Gth 
mo., wife Aunis, son Josiah, Robert Burdin 
and Hannah his wife dau of VVm Witter, 
wife, ex or. Witnesses, Robert Driver, Wm. 
ll.ieker. proved. 

Inventory of above estate taken 1659, 15th 
9th mo., by Robert Driver, VVm Hacker and 
Francis IngalU, amounting to £132 11* Od, 
returned by Anis Witter 23d 4th mo , 1061. 

Win. Lamson, 9th mo., 1661. 

Wm. Lamson of Ipswich dying intestate, 
administ'n granted to his widow, Sarah Lam- 
son, find an Inventory is presented, amounting 
to £111 10s 2d ; she is ordered by the Court 
to pay to the present children, 8 in number, 
as follows, viz : to the eldest. £12, and the 
rest £6 apiece. At a Court held at Ipswich, 
29th March, 1659. 

Petition of John Ayres and Wm Fellows, in 
relation to their brother's, Wm Lamson's es- 
tate, mentions their sister, Sarah Lamson, wid- 
dow of Win., and said Sarah being about to 
change her estate to one Thomas Hartshorns 
of Redoing, and said Thomas agreed to give 
tier the liberty to dispose of her share of her 
husband, Wm. Lamson *s estate as she chose, 
and now refuses it. They petition that the 
Court take order in the premises. 

Wm. Cockerell, 9th mo., 1661. 
Invento y of estate of Wm. Cockrell, take* 
6th Dec , 1661, by John Brown, Edmund 
Bat-er. 11th 10th mo., 1661, amounting te 
£81 losOd. 

Jno. Humphries, 9th mo.. 1661. 
Inventory of estate of John Humphrey, de- 
ceased 13th 10th mo., 1661, taken by Edinontf 
Batter and Joseph Humphreys, amounting to 
£60, allowed, and Mr. Batter and Jos. Hum- 
phrey app'td adm'rs. 

Hvgh Burt. 9th mo., 1661. 
Will of ilu«rh Burt of Lynn, dated 7th Qe- 


tober, 1661. mentions son Win Bassett, two 
grand daughters, Mary and Sarah, chi'dren of 
his eon Hugh Burt, deceased, son Edward 
Burtt, appts his wifeextx. Nath'l Standforde 
and Andrew Mansfield to be overseers, gives 
to hin son Edward all interest he has in any 
land &c. in London, that came to him by his 
brother John Burt deceased, proved 26ch 9th 
mo., 1661. 

Hugh Burtt died 2d November, 1661 In- 
ventory of above estate taken 13th November, 
1661, by Na.h'l Standard, John Deakin and 
Andrew Mansfield, amounting to £143 4s 9d, 
returned 26th 9th mo., '61. 

Arzbell Anderson. 9th mo.. 61. 

"An Inventory of ye estate of Arzbell An- 
derson, Scotsman, whoe deceased at ye Iron- 
works at Lvn ye thirteenth day of ye sixt 
month, 1661," taken 15th 6ch mo., 1661. by 
Edward Baker, John Divan, Oliver Purehis, 
all of Lvnn, amounting to £54 18s 5|d. re- 
turned 12rh 10th mo., 1661. 

Aecount of debts paid hy Oliver Purchis, 
which were due from above estate, amounting 
to £11 3s 9d, returned to Court 25th 9th mo., 

Deposition of Alli.-ter Mackmallen, about 
30 years, to prove that Alliscer Graim was 
near of kin to Arzbell Anderson above. 

Sworne in Court 12th 12th mo., 1661. 

Wm. Oderie, lOih mo., 1661. 
Inventory of estate of Win. Oderie deceased 
the last of December. 1660. taken by Walter 
Price and Elias Mason, amounting to £41 5s 
lid. returned by George Corwin and Edmund 
Batter, 12th 10th mo., '61. 

Wm. Hacker, 1st mo., 1662. 
"Inventory of estate of William Hacker, ta- 
ken 26r.h December, 1661, by Thomas Mar 
shall. Francis Ingalls and Henry Collins, a 
mounting to £184 12s lid, returned 28th 
Ma-r , 1662. 

Rich'd Brown. 1st mo.. 1662. 
Inventory of estate of Kich'd Brown of New- 
bury, who departed this life April, 26th, 
1661. taken June 5, 1661, by Richard Knight 
Anthony Somerhy and Stephen Greenleaf, a- 
mounting to £634 3s 0d. list of debts due 
from the estate. £31 15s Od, returned by 
Eh'z'h, the widow and ex'tx., 25th Mar., 

John Dorman. 1st mo.. 1662. 
Inventory of estate of John Dorman of 
Topsfield. taken 12rh Feb, 1661, b Francis 
Peabody and Samuel Bvocklebank, amounting 
to £46 Is Od. returned 25th Mar , 1662. 

Ann Lume, Apr., 1662. 
Inventory of estate of Ann Lume. taken 
16th April, 1662. by MaximiHion Jewett and 
Satn'l Brocklebanks. amounting to £49 2s 6d, 
returned 17th April. 1662. 

Dan'l Rea, 4th mo., 1662. 

Agreement as to settlement of estate of 
Dan'l Rea of Salem, he son Joshua to have 
his farm and when Dan'l sun of Joshua is of 
age he is to have half of the farm, daughters 
Rebecca and S irah under sixteen years, son 
Thomas Loth^op and his wife, his wife living. 

Allowed and confirmed 26th 4th mo., 1662. 

Inventory of ahove estate, taken by John 
Porter ind Jacob Barney, amounting to £239 
19s 4d, returned 26th 4th mo., 1662. 

John Stevens. 4th. mo., 1662. 

Inventory of estate of John Mevens of An- 
dover, taken Apr. 28, '62 bv George Abbott 
Richard Barker Nathan Parker and Nicho- 
las Noyes. amount £463 4s Od returned by 
Elizabeth the widow 24th 4mo 1662. 

An inventory of what, was given by John 
Stevens to his eldesi son John and his receipt 
and acceptance of the same. 

To be Continued. 


Curious Bill Lading of a "Whightt Hors" — 
1G99.— Shipped by the grace of God, in good order 
and well conditioned, by Wm. Pickering, in and upon 
the good Ketch, called the Lam, whereof is master 
under God, for this present voyage, George Cox, and 
riding at Anchor in the harbour of Salem, and by 
God's grace bound for Antege, in ye West India, to 
say — One Whightt Mors & too new water 
hogsetts, for ye proper Aoco'tt of ye above 
sd Wm. Pickering — being marked and num 
bered as in the Margent, and are to be de- 
livered in the like good order and well con 
ditioned at the aforesaid Port of Antege — 
(the o'anger of the Seas only excepted) unto 
Mr George Cox, master of ye above said 
Ketch, or to his Assigns, he or they paying 
freight for the said Goods, five pounds, at 

ye landing of ye above sd horse att Antege alive — 
with Primage and Average accustomed. In witness 
whereof the master and Purser of said Ship bath af- 
firmed to to Bills of Lading all of this tenor and 
date; the one of which too Bills being accomplished 
the other to staBd void And so God send the good 
Ship to her destined Port in safety, Amen. 

Dated in Salem, January ye 12, 1699-1700, mortal- 
ity excepted. 

pr George Cox, jun'r. 



Read at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, March 25, 1858. 

When we look backward from the present 
hour, which bears upon its surface the multi- 
tudinous burden of unfinished purposes, to the 
sealed record of the past, all, at the first 
glance, seems impenetrable, or shadowy and 

At such moments we should remember that 
time is but one progressive present, — day suc- 
ceeding day ; — that from the beginning the 
green earth has always been bathed in light — 
rosy morning has always ushered in the day, 
and the hill tops reflected the rays of :he set- 
ting sun — children young and blooming, and 
gray-haired sires have always walked hand in 
hand together — the bride has continually ar 
rayed herself for the wedding, and the hearth- 

t-tone has been continually re-laid, and as con- 
tinually the sighing and trusting have departed 
in the way of their fathers. Strong hands 
and willing hearts have ever responded ro du- 
ty — trie rights of man have ever found cham- 
pions, and the Lord, who divides the sun and 
the rain with all his creatures, has ever found 
worshippers. Thus- at last, time with its un- 
resisting progress has placed us for a brief pe- 
riod upon the scene of action. 

Notwithstanding the mutability of all things, 
important facts and dat^s, like guide-posts in 
the traveller^ path, direct us in the course of 
investigation, which perseverance shall c >m- 
bine into a consistent whole and imagination 
illumine as with the sunlight of present reali- 
ty ; thus may the old homes of our primitive 
fathers be pointed out and repeopled with their 
original inhabitants, and we become united 
with them, as we truly are, and participate in 
their perils and their joys — perils from the fear 
ot savages, the rudeness of the elements, and 
the pressure of want :— pirtake also of their 
zeal in the pursuit of freedom and holiness — 
rejoice in their hopeful success, which ulti- 
mately conducts us to the abiding triumph of 
their foresight and perseverance, a shadow of 
which they could scarcely have anticipated: 
and we hereby learn why we are gathering a 
harvest we sowed not, and which ripens per- 
petually above their graves. 

We design to give an account of the first 
permanent settlement upon the soil of Massa- 
chusetts, — its very germ, that first struck its 
feeble root into the scanty soil at Cape Anne, 
and that was soon after transplanted to the 
more prolific banks of the Naumkeag River, — 
and of the few resolute spirits who resisted 
the depression of disappointment, and the wa- 
vering of their companions, and remaim d the 
small, but living nucleus, which soon received 
powerful assistance from the mother country, 
and which has finally increased, and expanded 
into a populous and influential commonwealth, 
destined to last as long as her granite hills. 
We will first devote a page to a few events, 


covering a wide period which preceded and led 
to this settlement. 

About one third of all the time that has e- 
lapsed since the discovery of America, had 
passed, before colonies became permanently es- 
tablished upon cur const. Let it suffice to 
make but a passing allusion to the vuyages of 
the (Jabots, and the illustrious Knights and 
half broth- rs Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert, who rank among the fath- 
ers of the commerce of England ; and of their 
abortive attempts at colonizing the lndias of 
the West. 

The first permanent settlement upon the A- 
merican coast, then generally called Virginia, 
resulted from the exertions of these maritime 
brothers, and the kindred families of Sir John 
Popham, and Sir Fernando Gorges. 

King James's Charter, under the rame of 
"The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers 
and Planters of the city of London, for the first 
colony of Virginia," was granted in 1606; 
which provided for two councils of control, 
one for Northern and the other for Southern 
Virginia. Differences which it is unnecessary 
to explain here, soon arose between the two 
boards, which was happily turned to the ad- 
vantage of the North Colony, by the exertions 
of "fcir Fernando Gorges, and certain of the 
principal knights and gentlemen-adventurers,"' 
who represented to the King that the region 
lying between the 40th and 48th degrees of 
North Latitude had been recently nearly de- 
populated of its savage inhabitants by a won- 
derful plague. (This occurred in 1617,) and 
that no Christian power laid any claim to it. 

The King "desirous of enlarging his domin- 
ions, and extending the Christian name," 
granted Gorges and his party a patent to that 
vast territory lying between these parallels, 
and extending from sea to sea — from the At- 
lantic on the east, to a sea on the west, the dis- 
tance of which the King probably had not the 
faintest conception. This patent bore the ti- 
tle of "The Council established at Plymouth 
in the County of Devonshire, for the planting, 
ruling, ordering and governing of Mew Eng- 

land in America." It was passed on the 3d 
of November, 1620, and sealed with the great 
seal of England, July 3d, 1621, — and this pa- 
tent remained "the civil basis of all the pa- 
tents and plan rations that subsequently divid- 
ed the country." 

This was an age of prerogative and one of 
the provisions of the charter, contemplated 
the division of the land into Counties, to be 
apportioned among the Patentees, which might 
be again divided by these County Lords into 
Baronies, Hundreds and Towns. 

A map published in 1624, by Capt. John 
Smith, drawn, as he 8a\8, by himself, as he 
passed along the shore in a little boat, gives a 
plan of the territory, thus divided into twenty 
parts, and appoitioned to the patentees as ap- 
pears by lot. The King favored this division, 
whereby each one of the company became Lord 
proprietor of his portion and vested with an 
absolute title and powers of government. — 
Under this prerogative the Right Hon. Ed- 
mond, Lord Sheffield, Knight of the most no- 
ble order of the garter, a leading statesman of 
England, who held one of the twenty divisions 
issued on the "Throne part" on the 1st Janu- 
ary, 1623-4, a charter to Robert Cushman and 
Edward Winslow, [who will be recognised as 
the agents of the Colony at London and New 
Plymouth ] and their assistants and planters 
at Plymouth in New England on the other 
part of "a certain tract of land lying in 43d de- 
gree of North Latitude, in a known place 
there commonly called Cape Anne, with the 
bay, islands, &c, in the neighborhood; with 
liberty to fish, fowl, hawk, hunt, truck, trade 
in the land thereabout, and all other places in 
New England," — with liberty also to make 
and establish Laws, Ordinances, ^.nd Constitu- 
tions, for their government, and with power 
to resist encroachment by force of arms. 

Five hundred acres of this land were to be 
set apart for public uses,— such as the build- 
ing of churches, schools, &c, and for the 
maintenance of their ministers, and magis- 
trates. Tliitty acres of land were to be allow- 


ed each individual upon certain conditions, 
who should Kettle there. 

This Charter has been recently found by J 
Wingate Thon t.m, Esq., and a iac simile of it 
pubn-hed in his recent work, entitled "the 
Landing at Cape Ann," to which we are much 

At the time of issuing this Charter, the Pil- 
grims at Plymouth had been settled three 
years As an ecclesiastic body they were 
calli d Separatists, yet there had come among 
them some persons, who though equally desir- 
ous of a reformation of the abuses of the es- 
tablished Church, and who esteemed it no re- 
proac h t • be called Puritans, were not prepared 
entirely to sever themselves from the English 
Church, or relinquish the Episcopal form of 
worship, to wiiich they had been accustomed 
from their childhood. And they could ex- 
claim as did our own Higgingon, a few years 
later: — when passing Land's End, he called 
his children ana other passengers into the 
stern of the ship, and as his eyes gazed for the 
last time upon his native land, he said : "We 
do not go to New England as Separatists from 
the Church of England, though we cannot 
but separate ourselves Lorn the corruptions of 
it ; but we go to practise the positive part of 
church reformation, and propagate the gospel 
in America," and so he concluded with a 
fervent prayer for the King, and the Church, 
and State in England, &c. 

These persons, few in number, attached 
thems< Ives to Rev John Lyford, an Episcopal 
minister, who had probably arrived in the 
spring of 1624, about the time of the return of 
"Winslow, with the Cape Anne Charter, and 
perhaps in the same ship. This minister, with 
his Episcopal determinations, soon made him- 
self so obnoxious to the Pilgrims, as to be ex- 
pelled the Colony, together with John Old- 
ham an Indian trader They fled to Nantas- 
ket, ab ut twenty five miles up the bay, to the 
westward, (now Hull,) near the entrance to 
Boston Harbor, and were voluntarily fallowed 
by a few other disaffected persons and their 

families. Here they took up their abode at a 
temporary habitation that Captain Standish 
had erected there, a year or two before, for 
purposes of Indian trade. 

Prominent among these person? was Roger 
Oonant, afterward ol Salem, "a pious, sober, 
and prudent gentleman,"* as his character 
for life shows him to have been. 

Here for the present, we leave them in their 
dreary abode, but in the enjoyment of their 
favorite form of worship. 

The fame of the success of the Colony at 
New Plymouth, soon spread over England, 
particularly through the w stern countn-s, oc- 
casioned by accounts borne thither by Captain 
Smith and other navigators, the correspon- 
dence of the Pilgrims, and largely by Edward 
Winslow, who returned to London in the fall 
of 1623, and the publication of his "Good 
news from New England," the year follow- 

Their success fired not only the zeal o c the 
champions of religion and humanity, but fed 
also the desire for gain in the brain of the 
merchant, and warmed the breasts of the 
young, the venturesome and the hopeful to- 
wards further colonizing upon the pleasant 
bays and harbors of New England ; which 
spread out their borders enticingly before the 
eyes of the land-loving Englishman. Illimi- 
table forests that never rang with the blows of 
the woodman's axe, — pastures large enough 
for thousands of flocks, and a soil rich wit^. 
the accumulation of ages, awaited inhabitant^. 
Domains before which th^ princely grounds of 
the English gentry sank into insignificance, 
could be had for little else than a quit claim 
of the wolf and the bear. 

One of the first points towards which this 
spirit of enterprise was directed, was Cape 
Anne. He*e the merchants of Dorchester 
and neighborhood, had for several years traded 
and fished on the coast, and returned with car- 
goes of codfish, beaver skins, &c.f 

tPlanter's Plea. 



The English ships had increased rapidly for 
the past three or four years, and were estimat- 
ed at. this time at forty or fifty ships yearly, 
and it was thought that they could save much 
time, and fish more months in the year, if a 
plantation were established at the Cape, as a 
depot for salt, trade, curing of fish. &c, and 
by having a minister there, the fishermen 
could receive religious instruction. 

Accordingly, these merchants, urged on by 
the zeal of their townsmen, and probably 
their pastor,* the Rev. John White, who from 
this time to his death, in 1648, took a deep in- 
terest in the colonial enterprise, made an a- 
greementf with the Plymouth Colonists, and 
organized a joint stock company, with a capi- 
tal of £3000. | under the name of the "Dor- 
chester Company," with John Humphrey as 
Treasurer, re>ulting in the patent aforesaid. 
About one year before the date of the char- 
ter, viz, February 18, 1623, Wm. Darby of Dor 
ches f er, had petitioned the Council for New 
England that Rohert Bushrode of Dorchester, 
and associates, might begin a plantation at 
Cape Anne 

The Rev. John White, sometimes called the 
Patriarch of Dorchester, was no doubt a mem- 
ber of the Dorchester Company, as he after 
Wards was of the Mass Company. 

On W inflow's return, in March 1624, after 
an absence of six months, he brought with 
him a few cattle, and abundant supplies for the 
.Plymouth Colony, and materials for a Colony 
poiCape Anne. After discharging supplies at 
Plymouth . the ship crossed the Bay to the 
Cape, taking with her a few of the Plymouth 
planters, who erected there a great frame house, 
saltworks, and stages for the fishing busi- 
ness. || 

The year of 1024 was one of preparation, 
husbandmen ,^1 cattle, farming implements. 


fMass. His. Coll. 28, 181. 

(Planter's Plea. 

II Prince. 
"([Planter's Pica. 

and supplies were sent over, and all things 
promised well. Their affairs were to be con- 
ducted by two overseers. Thomas Gardner ov- 
er the plantation, and John Tylly over the 
fishing business.* 

This organization was not long satisfactory 
to the adventurers, and it soon became neces- 
sary to have a more judicious management of 
affairs. About the end of the first year there- 
fore, we find that Mr. White having heard 
such favorable, accounts of Mr Conant, that 
the adventurers selected him ''for the manage- 
ing and government" of their plantation, and 
they instructed their Treasurer, Mr Hum- 
phrey, to write him in their names on the sub- 
ject, and inform him '•'that they had chosen him 
to be their Governor in that place.'''' They com- 
mitted to him the entire "charge of their af- 
fairs as well fishing as planting.' f Conant 
resided at this time at Nantasket with Mr. Ly- 
ford, John Oldham and others. 

They also invited Lyford to be the minister 
of the Colony, and Oldham to trade on their 
account with the Indians, Conant and Lyford 
accepted, but Ola ham preferred to remain and 
trade on his own account, and he thus pursued 
his enterprising but devious career for a dozen 
years after, for most of the time at variance 
with the Colonists, until be wan surprised and 
slain by the Indians, while on a trading voy- 
age at Block Island, in July, 1636 

Great hopes were enterrained of the future 
success of the plantation, but this project ot 
the Plymouth planters and scheme for pur- 
poses of gain of the Dorchester merchants, 
was destined to farther disaster. 

The Colony consisted of men of various con- 
ditions, and a degree of misconduct, if not in- 
subordination, prevailed among them — their 
fishing operations turned out unfavorably, and 
the Company at home, finding it a losing con- 
cern, became disheartened and abandoned it 
to its fate. Their return cargoes had not paid, 



their salt works had been destroyed by fire, and I 
moat of their Capital Stock been sunk ; they 
however paid off their servants, and to such as 
chose to return, they gave a passage home to 
England, but how many availed themselves of 
the privilege, we do not know. 

The Colony had now existed rather more 
than two years, the latter year being under 
Conart's administration. This abandonment 
of the plantation was very unpleasant news to 
Mr. White, but he found in Conant, and a few 
of his resolute companions, a spirit not easily 
suhdued. Theso worthies continued to corres- 
pond with each other, and thereby confirm 
that high purpose which struggled at their 
breasts of providing a refuge where nun-con- 
formists could enjoy their religion ; and which 
at last peeved abundantly successful. 

At this primitive period, there could have 
been no travel through the forests, but the 
track of the wild beast, or the no less fearful 
trail of the Indian. The only highway of the 
settlers was the ocean, or a devious route along 
the sea shore. Explorations, which were un- 
doubtedly made, would naturally tend to the 
westward. On such occasions, or perhaps 
when on fishing an 1 fowling excursions, they 
had discovered land in that direction more 
suitable for cultivation than at the rocky 
bluff where they then were, which is now call- 
ed Stage Head, on the northwest side of the 
outer harbor of Gloucester 

It appears that, about this time, Conant must 
have written the Rev. Mr. White, that he had 
discovered this more suitable location for a 
plantation, on the banks of a small river, call- 
ed Naumkeag, four or five leagues to the south- 
west,* where, as Mr. Hubbard says, he had 
recently conceived in his mind a plantation 
might be begun, which would prove a recepta- 
cle for such as were persecuted on account of 
their religion f Such a sentiment "could have 
found harbour only in a great heart and a no- 
ble mind. "J Mr. White replied as has been 

♦Planter's Plea, 
t Hubbard. 

stated, that he was "grieved in his spirit that 
so good a w >rk should be suffered to fall to 
the ground," and urged Conant not to desert 
the business, and faithlully promised him that 
if himself and John Woodbury, John Balch 
and Peter Palfrey, whom he knew to be hon- 
est and prudent men, "would stay at Naum- 
keag and give timely notice thereof, he would 
provide a patent for them, and send them 
whatever they should write for, either men, 
provisions or goods, to trade with the Indi- 

By this letter of Mr. White, we are not to 
infer that only the^e four men removed to 
Naumkeag, but rather that these were promi- 
nent men, perhaps personally known to Mr. 
W 7 hite, who may have been mentioned in one of 
Conant's letters, as men he could depend upon ; 
such men would naturally have others adhere 
to tb>m. Conant returned answer that they 
would stay on these terms ; at the same time, 
entreating that they might be encouraged ac- 
cordingly. We will now endeavor to trace 
the actions of Conant and his followers, and 
see in what this agreement resulted. 

The Colony at Cape Anne probably never 
numbered above fifty persons, who had now 
dispersed ; a part returned to England, the re- 
mainder to the number of twenty-five or thir- 
ty persons, as we have reason to believe, of both 
sexes, and all ages removed to Naumkeag. This 
statement may surprise some who have adopt- 
ed the erroneous idea tha"". four forlorn fisher- 
men, the very extremity of this scattered fish- 
ing colony, had sought at Naumkeag a tran- 
sient abode, where they continued their pre- 
carious occupation, without any fixed purpose 
or design, ready at the first turn of fortune to 
change their place of abode, or leave their 
huts on the coast, to launch again upon the 
restless waters of the ocean. 

One of the most important witnesses of the 
old planters, was Richard Brackenbury, who 
came over with Gov. Endicott, in 1G28, and 
whose testimony appears in a deposition taken 




in 1680, when an aged man, and was called 
forth thus. 

The Mason family claimed a large portion 
of New England, by virtue of a patent grant- 
ed prior to that to the Massachusetts Colony, 
and in 1080 all persons living within the claim- 
ed limits were required by a letter from the 
King to the Mas-achusetts authorities, to 
transmit proofs of their Real Estate. 

The southern bounds of this claim terminat- 
ed on the northern side of the North river. — 
Richard Braekenbury, then living in Beverly, 
testified on the 10th of 12th month, 1080, that 
when he came ashore at Salem, filty-two years 
before, "we found living there, Old Goodman 
Norman and his sonn, Wm. Allen and Wal- 
ter Knight and others" "alsoe John Wood- 
burye. Mr. Conant, Peeter Palfery, John Balch 
and others J' and that they had sundry houses, 
built at Salem, &c. He also mentions the 
house at Cape Anne, which he says he assisted 
in taking down, and re-constructing in Salem, 
for Governor Endicotfs use, a portion of 
which stands to this day. 

These persons appear to have been lands- 
men,- planters as they were called, -cultiva- 
tors of the soil, — and some of them were me- 
chanics, a« their subsequent career shows, and 
not simply fishermen. It was undoubtedly a 
part of their employment to cure fish, collect 
beaver skins and furs, or perform any and ev- 
ery service that the welfare of the Colony de- 

We find that about 1631, Roger Conant, 
Peter Palfray, Anthony Dike and Francis 
Johnson formed themselves into a Company, 
for t.affic in furs, with a truck house at the 
eastward. Dike perished on Cape Cod, in 
1638, as it seems, when returning from Maine 
with a cargo for himself and partners. 

With but little tax upon the imagination we 
may say. that during the summer of 1626, 
Conant, Woodbury, and others, of the promi- 
nent men of the Cape Ann Plantation, might 
have been seen occasionally sailing in their 
shallop, up the northern shore of the Bay, to 

its western bounds at Naumkeag passing by 
the "hills and dales" covered with "gay woods 
and trees," as they made preparation for re- 
moval thither. 

Along the same shore that three years after- 
ward filled the enthusiastic Higginson with 
longings to know more of the new Paradise of 
New England, whose signals of tertiliry painted 
the sea with the storm-reft petals ol its flowery 
meadows, — the same shore whose fragrant 
breezes revived the drooping spirits of Lady 
Arabella, and the gentlewomen of the fleet of 
1030, with that "sweet air from the shore like 
the smell of a garden," and whose eyes and pal- 
ates were greeted on landing there, "with ripe 
strawberries, gooseberries, and sweet single 
roses," the same shore that had a dozen years 
before caused the gallant Captain Smith to call 
it "the Paradise of all those parts," and to 
name its Cape after the fair Turkish maiden, 
who had befriended him in former exile,* and 
that caused the Prilgrimsof that dreary win- 
try welcome of 1020, to wish they had settled 
there. Even to the present time this shore re- 
tains many of its primitive charms, which are 
abundantly asserted by the wealth and taste 
that there make their abode, and find therein 
wholesome gratification and retirement. 

In the fall of 1020, after partial prepara- 
tions had been made, this resolute band em- 
barked with their households and effects, their 
cattlef and implements of husbandry, making, 
as they undoubtedly must, many passages in 
their boats or shallops, for the purpose of such 
removal, leaving behind them their large frame 
house, with remnants of their thatched cotta- 
ges, also their fishing improvements and har- 
vested fields, and with a cold winter before 
them, they began anew the work of settlement 
under great weakness, but stronger even in 
diminished numbers, because purged of the 
unruly, the weak and the vacillating. 

Wood, in his New England Prospect, states 
in August 1633, that corn had been raised in 

♦Hilliard's Life «f Smith. 
tPlanter 8 Plea. 


Salem seven years together, thus corrobating 
the date 1626. 

The services of such men as William Allen 
and Richard Norman, must have been pecu- 
liarly in demand, (for they were carpenters,) 
in felling trees and constructing places of a- 
bode for themselves, their wives and little one- - , 
and in providing shelter for their cattle. — 
Here Conant. as he says of himself, built the 
first house erected in iSalein. 

Near the extremity of North Point, or at 
Cape Ann Ferry, or Ipswich Ferry, as it was 
variously called, now a little west of the junc- 
tion of Beverly Bridge, may be seen the out- 
cropping of a Metamorpic Ruck, as it slopes 
its checkered surface into the sea, that with its 
intersected dikes and veins, fills the mind of 
the geologist with wondering interest, as he 
counts the deeply graven record of eleven of 
the old earth's eruptions. 

Here on this spot thus scored by the hand 
of Deity, we believe Conant and his followers, 
the pilgrim band of Massachusetts, stayed 
their wandering feet, and commenced their 
permanent abode ; and here too, we believe, 
they welcomed Endicott and his company to 
their wilderness home ; thereby tailying a- 
nother epoch in the world's history, for here it 
was that freedom, long confined in the mother 
country, burst the crust of tyranny and op- 
pression that bound her, and began to over 
flow the land with its blessings, and spread 
out the solid foundations on which our .Re- 
public rests. 

On this peninsula the Colonists found a soil 
of ea-y cultivation, a light warm loam, which 
they, in imitation of the Indian planters, man- 
ured with fish, which frequented the shores in 
great abundance ; and they were thus enabled 
to raise large crops of Indian corn and other 

Hubbard says, "Here they took up their sta- 
tion, upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land, 
environed with an arm of the sea on each side, 
in either of which vessels and ships of good 
burthen might easily anchor." 

They Nettle*, with the best understanding with 
the Indians, with whom they "had a field in 
common fenced in together, '' and to them the 
natives sometimes fled for shelter and protec- 
tion, "Haying they wore afraid of their enemy 
Indians in the country," meaning the Tarren- 
tines who lived to the eastward. 

Here the first houses were built, and their 
cattle, which must have been regarded of great 
value, brought over as they were with much 
care and cost, were pastured. 

The old Planters appear to have occupied 
the larger part of the peninsula lying between 
the North River and Collins Cove ; and they 
may not have been strangers to that larger pe- 
ninsula beyond, which afterward became the 
centre of the town. This strip of land they 
appear to have divided into lots, of upland and 
marsh, running from the river on which they 
fronted across the marsh to Collins Cove. — 
With great application under the indefiniteness 
of extant records, we think some of their lota 
might even now be designated,— such as Pal- 
frey *8 and Balch's and perhaps Wni. Allen's, 
who in 1638 was granted one acre of salt marsh 
at the end of his lot, and who sold his estate 
upon his removal to Manchester. 

Not long after Conant had removed to hie 
farm at the head of Bass River, the town or- 
dered that his house be bought as a residence 
for William Plaice, blacksmith, and his wife. 

This region in the early deeds of land and 
later was called "the Old Planters' Marsh," or 
near or on "the way to the Ipswich Ferry." 

Potter's field, where the Lady Arabella and 
Mrs. Phillips* were buried in 1630, was near 
the Planter's Marsh. 

The venerable Dr. Holyoke was accustom- 
ed to say that the grave of Arabella JohnBon 
was denoted by a brick monument within his 
remembrance, but where that was is now un- 
known, the nearest designation is, that it was 
somewhere on the land bordering the west side 
of Collins Cove. It was by some supposed 
that her grave was discovered upon the open- 

*Magnalia B. iii ch. IV, p. 82. 


iDg of the Essex Railroad, through the Pick- 
man field, lying hetween Pleasant and Bridge 
streets : the late Stephen Whitmore, Jr., when 
digging a pout hole near his rope factory, he- 
low Osgood street, found a quantity of very 
large bricks which he supposed were brought 
from England, and which he thought were a 
remnant of the hrick monument referred to. 
This matter has received much investigation 
from the hands of antiquarians, and will per- 
haps forever remain iu doubt. 

Aged persons state that the site on which 
this ropewalk is built, was, before the filling 
up of the marsh, for purposes of cultivation, 
a sandy ridge that ran from the upland into 
the marsh and might therefore have been an 
appropriate place, away from their dwellings, 
for a burial ground. 

Governor Endicott and his party, when they 
arrived, probably regarding the river instead 
of the present harbor as the best entrance to 
the country, located themselves beyond the old 
planters, further up the stream. The Gover- 
nor's house, which was at first set up at Cape 
Anno, in 1G24, by the party who went over 
from Plymouth with Edward Winslow, was 
shaken and brought to Naumkeag, and re-erect- 
ed here, a few rods from the water, upon the 
elevated banks of the North River, now the 
northeast corner of Washington and Church 
streets, — the Newhall house there standing be- 
ing in part the same. This site, with the old 
arbor-fort, a defence from the Indians, erected a 
few rods distant to the westward, was the 
highest land in the body of the town. 

From and after Endicott 's arrival, the set- 
tlement radiated from this point toward the 
harbor. Among the earliest allotments of land, 
then the chief interest of the country, were 
grants of farms on the several branches of the 
Naumkeag river, — and the old planters were 
among the first to receive awards from the now 

We will now inquire who composed this lone- 
ly band of Massachusetts pilgrims. But where 
shall we look for their muster roll? With such 

evidence as we are able to command, we have 
traced out the following names, most of whom 
are mentioned by Mr. Felt, in his History of 

1. Roger Conant, Governor. 

2. John Lyford. Minister. 

3. John Woodbury. 

4. Humphrey Woodbury. 

5. John Balch. 

6. Peter Pal fray. 

7. Walter Knight. 

8. William Allen. 

9. Thomas Gray. 

10. John Tylly. 

11. Thomas Gardner. 

12. Richard Norman. 

13. Richard Norman, "his sonne." 
14 Capt. William Trask. 

15. William Jeffrey. 

These men were all in the prime of life. 

Conant in 1626, was 33 years of age. Knight 
was 39, Woodbury's son Humphrey was 20 
in 1628. Norman's son was perhaps vounger. 
The others, with the exception of ''oid Nor- 
man," were probably all under 40 years of 
age. These are the names of the men only, 
upon whom the burden of the Colonv chiefly 
rested; several of them had their families with 
them. Jeffrey appears to have been somewhat 
unstable in settlement ; he probably at this 
time resided at Jeffrey's Creek, now Manches- 
ter. We feel confident that he was then living 
within the extensive bounds of what was then 
and long afterward known as Salem proper. 

A writer in the Genealogical Register, in an 
article on the Lindall family, claims Philip 
Veren as one of Conanfc's company ; but Mr. 
Savage, in his '-Gleanings for New England 
History," gives an extract from the Records of 
Salisbury, which shows that the Colony had 
existed nine years before Veren came over, and 
that Philip Veren, with his brother Joshua, 
were about sailing for New England from New 
Sarum, in April 1635. 

In regard to the number of the old planters, 
perhaps a comparison with the Plymouth Col- 


ony will suggest probabilities. Of 101 pas- 
sengers hy the Mayflower, in 1G20, 40 only 
were men, 17 of these were single, the rest of 
the company was composed of their wives and 
ehildren. The average members of families, 
additional to each of the 40 men, are about 
one and a half persons. 

Now if we reckon the men at Naumkeag, 
fifteen only, this family average would add a- 
bout twenty more, swelling the total of both 
sexes and all ages, to thirty-five individuals, 
which is abuut the same as Mr. Felt's compu- 
tation, but how he came to this conclusion, we 
know not. 

It is not at all probable that we have the 
names of all the men, as Brackenbury states, 
twice over, after giving the names of some, 
"and others" When a portion of these men 
left the Plymouth Colony for Nantasket, it is 
said that they were followed by their families. 
Rog^r Conant, in his petition of 1671, says ex- 
pressly, that he settled in Massachusetts with 
his lamily. His wife, Sarah, we know was 
here, and his eldest son, Lot, was born about 
1624, perhaps at Nantasket, and may have 
been haptiz d by Lyford, of whose ministra- 
tions no record remains His son, Roger, was 
born at JNaumkeag, in 1620, the year of set- 
tlement, being the first white child born in 
Salem. Conant's family alone adds four indi- 
viduals to the list. 

John Woodbury, when he returned from 
England in 1628, six months perhaps before 
the arrival of Endicott. brought with him 
his son Humphrey, a youth of about 20 years 
of age, who had probably been left at home 
to complete his education, a comm n custom 
with the elderly children of the first settler?* ; 
other members of his family may also have 
been settled here. His brother William, we 
know, was living here a few years after, and is 
supposed to have located in Beverly, certainly 
as early as 1630. 

There is some probability that Pal fray had 
children, older than those whose bapti ms are 
found recorded in the First Church Records. 

Richard Norman had a son, of an age, as 
we should infer Com Brackenbury's account, 
at near that of manhood. Mr Felt calls him 
Richard. Jr., but we are inclined to think his 
son John was referred to. by Brackenbury, 
as he was then a lad about 15 yearn old. 

11 is son Richard, whom we find living in 
Marblehead a few years later, with his father, 
was born in 1623, and could cons quen'ly have 
been but three years of age, which would be 
presumptive proof that his mother came with 
him, which would make out four in thi.-? fami- 
ly. And in this manner, other members of the 
old planters' families, known to have been liv- 
ing at this time, and who, in all probability, 
accompanied their father or parents to this 
country, could be added to the number, which 
would individualize or materially increase the 

We have thus shown, we think, with scarcely 
a doubt, that there were at least thirty or for- 
ty people here, previous to the arrival of Gov. 
Endicott and followers, forming a Colony of 
sufficient numbers and strength to bear that 
name, and which secured and maintained the 
most persevering exertions in their behalf, of 
the Rev. Johu White, and other friends about 
Dorchester,* which resulted at last in stirring 
up such an interest, that a new company was 
formed in England, composed of the remnant 
of the old company, united with these friends, 
and who subsequently bought all ihe i ffects of 
the Dorchester Company, both at Cape Anne 
and Naumkeag, and procured a charter as had 
been promised. 

They sent over Capt. John Endicott, one of 
their own number, "to strengthen the Colony 
and administer its government,'' — "to erect a 
new Colony upon the old foundation,''! — "to 
begin a plantation, and to strengthen such as he 
should find there which were sent thither from 
Dorchester,''| -"to c.irry on the plantation of 
the Dorchester merchants at Naumkeag or 


•j- White's brief relation. 

^Dudley's Letter. 


Salem, and make way for the settling of a- 
nother Colony in Massachusetts."* Such are 
the nearly parallel statements of White, Dud- 
ley, and Hubbard. 

The constancy of the Colony wai severely 
tried, when their minister, Mr. Lyford, re- 
ceived u a loving invitation"' to settle in Vir- 
ginia. Lvford decided to embark for his new 
abode, and us d such persuasions to induce the 
entire Colony to accompany him, that some 
openly expressed their desire to depart, while 
others, discouraged by privation and the con- 
tinual fear of attack from the Northern Indi- 
ans, who were warlike and powerful, were 
ready to abandon the enterprise, and go home 
to England. This disaffection is not to be won- 
dered at, when we r. fleet that this little band 
were, on account of diff rence in religion, 
more or less despised and neglected by the 
Plymouth people, and being doubtful of assis- 
tance from home, their loneliness became op- 
pressive to them. 

Lyford departed, probably accompanied by 
a few of the Colony. It is at this point that 
the character of Conant stands forth in heroic 
grandeur. The resolute purpose so dear to his 
heart, of founding an Asylum for his perse- 
cuted countrymen, who still clung to the 
skirts of the mother church, was not to be 
lightly relinquished. All the inducements of 
the designing Lyford, and all the arguments 
that privation and dread of invasion forced 
from his companions, fell powerless beside 
him, like arrows against a rock, and he told 
them at last that they might go if they wish- 
ed, and though all of them should forsake 
him, he should "wait the providence of 
God in that place where they now were, 
not doubting that if they departed, he 
should soon have more company.f Where 
shall we look to find a "more sublime heroism, 
a purer self-devotion, loftier faith and trust," 
than was here displayed. J 


In after years Conant says ot himself, "I 
was a means through grace assisting me to 
stop the flight of few that were heere 
with me, and that by my utter deniall to goe 
away with them who would have gone either 
for England or mostly to Virginia have there- 
fore stayed to the hassard of our lives."* — 
They remained and subsisted partly upon the 
products of the field and upon fish ard game, 
with which the country abounded. After 
this they must have redoubled their exertions 
in husbandry, — cultivating indir.n corn, tobac- 
co and vegetables, n.nd collecting beaver skins 
and furs, for purposes of trade and vemittance 

Now that their resolution was taken, they 
wisely thought that they could hasten assis- 
tance by sending a messeng t to England. Ac- 
ordinglv, in the winter of 1 027, they dis- 
patched on this mission, John Woodbury, 
whose residence in the country for three years 
had made him familiar with its resources. 

Mr. Whit ; must have greeted him with a 
cordial welcome, from whom he learned that 
there were others interested in the success of 
the struggling colony, and who stood ready to 
become its pa rons. 

Under the Dorchester influence and the ex- 
ertions of Thomas Dudley and others, he 
found a company already formed, by the name 
uf "the New England Company." 

A charter of the region called Massachusetts 
Bay, was granted by the Council for New Eng- 
land, March 19, 1G28, to Sir Henry Rosewell, 
Sir John Young, Knight, Thomas Southcoat, 
John Humphrey, Jonn Endicott, and Simon 
Whitcombe, Gentlemen, f which superseded 
the Cape Ann Charter, and Woodbury had 
the satisfaction of returning to Naumkeag, 
after an absence of six months, with assuran- 
ces of both men and supplies. He brought 
with him his son Humphrey as before men- 
tioned, and arrived here in the spring of 1628, 
and cheered the hearts of the anxious colonists 

♦Mass. His. Coll. 27, 252. 


with a recital of the interest that their fidelity 
had inspired. 

The n :w company set themselues to the 
work with a ze;il worthy of their noble cause. 
They purchased all the rights and improvements 
made under the Dorchester Company in New 
England, and prepared to furnish substantial 
assistance to the Colony in men, provisions, 
&c. And although they had every commen- 
dation in favor of retaining Air. Conant in 
office, they preferred to make choice of one of 
their own number, to be Governor of the Col- 
ony here. Capt. John Endicott, a ''worthy 
gentleman," and a man well known to persons 
of note,* he was cousin by marriage to Mat- 
thew Craddock, the Governor of the Compa- 
ny's afiairs in London. The following lan- 
guage is used in the Company's letter to En- 
dicott, of April 17, 1620, alter he had come 
over. "Since your departure we have for ihe 
further strengthening of our grant from the 
Councell at Plymouth, obtained a confirma- 
tion of it from his Majesty by his letters pa- 
tent, and confirmed you Governor, of our 
Plantation," with a Councell "styled the 
Councell of the Massachusetts Bay ;" and a- 
gain April 30, 1629, they "thought fit to set- 
tle an absolute government in our plantation 
in the said Massachusetts Bay,'" and they 
"chose and elected Capt. John Endicott to the 
place of present Governor, in our said Planta- 

The judiciousness of this choice, though 
bearing severely upon Conant, was all impor- 
tant to the Colony. The struggling colonists 
had now been two lonely years at Naumkeag, 
nearly as long as their abode at Cape Anne, 
and had supported and protected themselves 
through two long, cold New England winters. 
Their second crop of corn was nearly ready 
for harvest, when the "Abigail" hove insight, 
as she approached along the Cape Anne shore, 
and at last cast anchor at the mouth of the 
river. That succor so long prayed for had 

♦Planter's Plea. 

at last arrived, and their drooping spirit* 
hounded with renewed vigor. 

Un the other hand, lo the passengers on 
board the Abigail, everything must have ap- 
peared cheering and delightful, — the forests in 
their most expansive suit of green, untarnish- 
ed as yet by the frosts of Autumn, studded 
the islands upon their track, — crested every 
hilltop and bordered every cove, and seemed to 
welcome the weary voyagers as they swayed in 
the fitful breezea of the departing summer. 

As they neared the shore, balsamic odors 
borne down from pine-clad slopes, refreshed 
them; — here and there the parting forests reveal- 
ed fair fields and meadows, where waved hun- 
dreds of unshorn acres, mottled wiih patches of 
golden rod, tru input weed, and the Michael- 
mas daisy. The rose and the bar ben y from 
rounded copses, hung over the waters their 
ripened fruits in clusters of the richest scar- 

With eager eyes the pilgrims discern in tho 
thicket, the rude wigwams of the natives, 
and a few erect forms of a recently numerous 
tribe return their gaze ; but the most cheering 
sight to the emigrants were the abodes of Co- 
nant and his companions, but just visible in 
their little clearings in the forest. 

The Colonists in expectation of their arrival 
had made such preparation ior them as was in 
their power. Their dependance upon each 
other was mutual. Succor on one hand, and 
hospitality on the other, scaled a hearty wel- 
come and filled their cup of joy. The Colony 
was cared for, the prayers and zeal of Mr. 
White were answered ; but the mild and self- 
sacrificing Conant had yet other trials to en- 
dure ; he had accomplished much for the 
Colony thus far, but the consciousness of his 
well-doing was to be his only reward. He was 
deposed,— all his schemes for its advancement 
must now be abandoned to others, — all the ef- 
fects and improvements of the Colony had 
been sold. 

It was not long before Gov. Endicott showed 
Conant his letter of instructions from the Com- 


pany. which informed him of the new aspect of 
affairs, and that he had '•ome with full author- 
ity to take possession of their houses, boats, 
servants, and improvements, and assume the 
reins of government, ihis information could 
not have been welcome either to Conant or his 
companions, and we can readily sympathise 
with them when they afterward complain that 
they have heen accounted but little better than 

There arrived in the Abigail, fifty or sixty 
passengers, which united with the old plan- 
ters, swelled the number to about one hun- 
dred persons, and much greater preparations 
were making at home to place the Colony in 
a far more substantial position. Any careful 
reader of history cannot fail to see that the 
old Planters were or sufficient influence and 
importance to give the new government much 
unea^ness under the disaffection which follow 
ed, and it required all the prudence and public 
virtue of Conant. the firmness of Endicott. 
and the influence ol Rev Mr. White, with 
Craddock, at home to restore harmony of ac 
tion, so that by the third of June of the next 
year, the Colony then consisting of ahout 
three hundred persons, at a General Court con- 
vened by Gov Endicott for the purpose, they 
all by common consent combined together in- 
to one body politic under the same Governor ; 
therefore up to this time, a period of nine 
months, Conant's party probably kept up a 
more or less independent organization, both of 
Church and State Huhbard* says of this, 
•'The late controversy that had been agitaied 
with too much animosity betwixt the foremen- 
tioned Dorchester planters, and their new A- 
gent and his Company, being by the prudent 
moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for 
the Dorchester merchants, quietly composed, 
that so rruurn and tuum, which divide the 
world, should not disturb the peace of good 
christians, who came ao far to provide a place 
where to live together in christian amity and 

♦Mass. His. Coll. 15, 113. 

The very name of our city. Salem. {City of 
Peace,) adopted at the same General Court, and 
su jested by this occasion shall ever remain a 
witness of this disaffection and controversy, and 
a lasting memorial of its happy termination and 
a ljustment, and which is echoed by her sixty 
n unesakes, scattered over the United States. 

White, in his Planter's Plea, savs of this 
controversy, the change of name from Nanm- 
keik to Salem, was done "upon a fair ground, 
in remembrance of a peace settled upon a con- 
ference at a general meeting between them 
and their neighbors after expectance of some 
dangerous jar.*' It i? supposed that the sug- 
gestion of this name was made by Francis 

Still the wound was not entirely healed, and 
its irritation can be occasionally seen through- 
out that generation. It is plainly apparent 
upwards of forty years afterward, in Conant's 
petition to General Court, in 1671, when he 
speaks of the hazard of life and the sacrifices 
he had made for the public good without per- 
sonal reward. 

The compromise adopted was brought a- 
bout chiefly oy the careful and judicious in- 
structions of the Company to Gov. Endicott, 
a policy dictated both by a sense of justice, 
and a reasonable apprehension that Mr. 
Oldham, of the Church party, might draw the 
old planters into his plan of maintaining in- 
dependent jurisdiction over the territory of 
Massachusetts, according to a conveyance he 
held from John the brother of Robert Gorges. 

Under date of April 17, 1629, Mr. Crad- 
dock in his official letter to Gov. Endicott, uses 
this language, "and that it may appear as 
well to all the world as to the old planters 
themselves, that wee seke not to make them 
slaves, (as it seems by your letter some of 
them think themselves to bee become by means 
of our patent.) wee are content they shall be 
partakers of eoch privileges as wee, from his 
Majesty's espetial grace, with great cost, favor 
of personages of note, and much labor, have 
obtained, and that they shall be incorporated 


into this society, and enjoy not only their 
lands which formerly they have manured, hut 
such a further proportion as by the advice and 
judgment of yourself and the rest of the 
council, shall be thought fit for them or any of 
them. And besides it is still our purpose that 
they should have Nome benefit by the common 
stock as by your first commission directed and 
appointed ; with this addition, that if it be 
held too much to take thirty percent, and the 
freight of the goods for and in consideration 
of an adventure and disbursement of your 
moneys, to be paid in beaver at six shillings 
per pound, that you moderate the said rate, 
as you, with the rest of the Council, shall 
think to be agreeable to equity and good con- 

• They also granted the old planters the ex- 
clusive privilege of raising tobacco, from which 
they expected great remuneration, and in the 
Government they were to have the privilege of 
choosing two of the twelve Councilmen from 
their own number. (Is it not absurd then to 
suppose that there were but four settlers here, 
when Endicott came ?) The followers of Co- 
nant had undoubtedly been increased by the 
arrival of the fishing and trading vessels, that 
frequented the coast from the time he took his 
firm determination to remain at Naumkeag. 
Mr. Thornton says : — "If, under such condi- 
tions, and such a fulfilment of the agreement, 
Conant and his associates are desirous to live 
amongst us, and conform themselves to good or. 
der and government, said those who had taken 
summary possession of the territory and of 
the improvements thereon, we will permit them 
to remain.'' 

"The legal title was now in the new Com- 
pany, who, strong in wealth and influence, 
were decidedly aggressive iu spirit, and the 
only alternative for these leaders in the forlorn 
hope was dispersion and an abandonment of 
the now ripening fruits of their labors. — 
They submitted to the lesser evil ; but historic 
impartiality, upon a survey of the facts, will 


yield a verdict of exact justice, unvitiated by 
superior interests and prejudices/'* 

It would be extraneous to my plan to enter 
into an ecclesiastical review of th o allairs of 
the Colony, and to show the development of 
the simple congregational form of worship a- 
dopted by the government, and of the influ- 
ence of Dr. Fuller, of Plymouth, in bringing 
it about, and of the accommodation of llig- 
ginson and Shelton to it, who had not made 
up their minds to any particular form of 
church government before leaving England, — 
resulting in the simple ordination of August 
6, 1G29, and the establishment of the Salem 

Suffice it to say, that Prelacy could not ex- 
ist in such a community, which was soon 
manifested in the expulsion of the two 
Browns, and so universally was this feeling im- 
pressed that no Episcopal minister was settled 
in Salem, for upward of one hundred years af- 
terward. Under this state of things, we see 
another instance of the self-sacrificing spirit of 
Conant, who again yield- up his private wish- 
es to the majority, and joins in communion 
with a Separatist Church, and at its altar his 
children were baptized. His name stands en- 
rolled the filth upon the extant list of its mem- 

The church party consisting chiefly of the 
old planters, are supposed to have relinquished 
their Episcopacy, and joined the Congregation- 
al Church, about the time the Browns were 
sent home,f and but a few weeks after the 
organization of the church. The old planters 
were allowed to retain the lands they had al- 
ready improved and cultivated, and to be al- 
lowed an equitable portion in other lands to 
be subsequently granted. Accordingly we 
find by the town Book of Grants, on the "25th 
of 11th mon, 1635, that C.iptain Trask, John 
Woodbury, Mr. Conant, Peter Palfrey, and 
John Balch, a'-e to have five farms, viz : each 
two hundred acres apiece, to form in all, a 



thousand acres of land together lying, and be- 
ing at the head of Bass river, one hundred and 
twenty-four poles in breadth, and soe runin 
northerly to the river by the great pond side,* 
and soe in breadth making up the full quanti- 
ty of a thousand acres, these limits laid out 
and surveyed by vs. 

John Woodbury, 
John Balch." 

This locality is afterward in the Records, 
often called "The Old Planters' Farms." 

Again there were granted to John Woodbury, 
John Balch, and Mr. Conant, five acres of 
meadow apiece, in some convenient place. 
Conant soon after removed to his grant, and 
was followed by some of the others. Palfrey 
never settled upon his, but removed to Reading. 

The first grants of land we find record- 
ed, were made on 1st of 8 month, 1634. The 
grant above mentioned, was recurded on the 
third page of the book of Grants, and there 
appear to have been but two large lots granted 
prior to the one thousand acre lot to the old 
planters, and these were granted but one week 
previous, viz : three hundred acres to Robert 
Cole, where his cattle are, by Brooksby, and a 
farm of two hundred ac^es to Lieut. Johnson, 
also at Brooksby, (South Danvers ) 

The question may arise here, why were not 
more of the names of the old planters men- 
tioned in this grant. The answer to this may 
be, that under the Company instructions, 
planters were to have land granted them in 
proportion to their interest in the common 
stock, perhaps for improvements they had 
made, in advance of their comrades. Distinc- 
tion of merit seems implied in Craddock's let- 
ter, as appears by the above quotation in my 
italics. Other of the old planters receiv- 
ed separate grants of land as can be seen 
by the Book of Grants, such as Richard and 
John Norman, who were granted twenty acres 
of land each. 

The exertions of Rev. Mr. White did not 

•Wenham Lake. 

cease with the obtaining of the charter and 
despatching the ship Abigail ; it was through 
his means that the original patentees "were 
brought into acquaintance with other religious 
persons of like quality in and about London, 
such as Mr. Wintrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dud- 
ley, Mr. Craddock, Mr. Goffe, and Sir Richard 

The emigration of Endicott was followed by 
that of Rev. Francis Higginson, with two 
hundred more passengers, and planters, who 
arrive*] early the next summer. 

The year after, (1630,) was signalised by the 
arrival of Gov. Winthrop, with the home Com- 
pany, original charter,* and a large number 
of passengers, in a fleet of seventeen >hips 5 
and emigrants continued to pour in rapidly, 
so thai in 1637, nine years after the return of 
Woodbury, and arrival of Endicott, the Mas- 
sachusetts Colony numbered not less than 
eight thousand souls, nine hundred of whom 
were inhabitants of Salem. f 

The acts of the old planters soon became no 
longer distinctly visible, as Hutchinson says of 
Conant : — "The superior condition of those 
who came over with the charter, cast a shade 
upon iAera." Suffice it to say that they co- 
tinued to bear a fair share in town and colo- 
nial affairs, and spent lives of great usefulness 
and honor. Partial accounts (which might be 
greatly enlarged,) of these men and their 
families are here appended. Several of their 
grand-children, mere youths, perished in that 
memorable battle with the Indians, at Bloody 
Brook, under Capt. Lathrop, of Beverly, Sep- 
tember 18, 1675. 

[to be continued.] 

*The Charter provided in itself for an "exempli- 
fication," or duplicate of precisely the same legal 
authority : this duplicate charter Gov. Endicott 
brought with him in 1628, and under it he ruled the 
Colony; it is preserved in the Archives of the Salem 
Athenaeum, and may be seen at Plummer Hall. — 
Winthrop, a succeeding Governor of the Colony, 
with whom the Company— the Governor making pow- 
er — came, brought with him the other, or original 
charter, as it has usually been called; this also it 
preserved in the State House at Boston. 

fFclt's Am. Stat. Ass'n., vol. 1, 138. 


YORK IN 1787. 

I send you for publication a copy of a letter 
from lion Benj. Goodhue to Eliaa Haskett 
Derby, of Salem, which, I think, may interest 
6ome of your readers: 

What a different aspect New York City must 
have presented at the date of this letter, from 
her present appearance ! Sam Breck, in his 
Historical Sketch of the Continental Paper 
Money, says, — 4, ln the month of June, of the 
year 1787, on my return from a residence of a 
few years in France. I arrived at that city, and 
found it a neglected place, built chiefly of 
wood, and in a state of prostration and decay. 
A dozen vessels in port. Broadway, from 
Trinity Churcn inclusive down to the Battery, 
in ruins, owing to a fire that had occurred 
when the city was occupied by the enemy, 
during the latter end of the war. The ruined 
■walls of" the burnt houses standing on both 
sides of the way, testifying to the poverty of 
the place, five years after the conflagration ; 
for although the war had ceased during that 
period, and the enemy had departed, no at- 
tempt had been made to rebuild them. In 
short, there was silence and inactivity every- 
where ; and the whole population was very 
little over twenty thousand." 

This is in striking contrast with the new 
York of the present day — the leading commer- 
cial city of the world. jb. 
New York, April 5, 1789. 

The people of the United States, I think, 
are peculiarly unfortunate, after manifesting 
so laudable an avidity for the adoption ol the 
new government to have the exercise of it so 
long delayed through the inexcusable, and 1 
may add reproachful inattention of several of 
the pel suns whom they have elected for its ad- 
ministration. Congress have not yet a suffi- 
cient number of members of both Houses in 
Town to enable them to proceed upon outness. 
The Senate wants one to form their body, and 
from the accounts of a Senator from Virgiuia 
being near at hand, that desirable event is mo- 
mentarily expected. I pray we may not again 
bo mortified with a disappointment, for 1 am 

persuaded if the doctrine he true that it's j^ood 
lor us to be afflicted, we have had «o bounti- 
ful a portion as leaves no reason to douht of 
its etlutary operation 1 inclose you the names 
of the gentlemen present : 

New Hampshire — Honorable Nicholas Gil- 

Massachusetts — Fisher Amos, Geo. Leonard, 
Geo. Thatcher, Benj. Goodhue, £lb. Gerry, 
Geo. Partridge. 

Maryland- Win. Smith, Geo. Gale, — Car- 

Connecticut — Jona. Sturges, Jere'h Wads- 
worth, Benj Huntington, Jona. Trumbul, 
Roger Sherman. 

New Jersey — Lambert Cadwallader, Elias 
Boudinot, James S'-hurcman. 

Pennsylvania — Fred'k A. Muhlenburg, 
Spk., Thomas Hartley, Henry Wynkoop, Pe- 
ter Muhlenburg, Daniel Heister, Thomas 
Scott, Geo. Clymer. 

Virginia — James Madison, Rich. B. Lee, 
John Page, Alex'r White, Andrew Moore, 
Sam'l Griffin, Josiah Parker, Theoderick 

South Carolina — Thomas T. Tuker. 

Senators, which ought to have preceded the 
Representatives : 

N. H. — Messrs, Langdon, Wingate. 

M. — Strong. 

C. — Dr. Johnson, Ellsworth. 

N. J— Patterson, Elmore. 

P. — Mortis, Macclay. 

D. — Bassett. 

G. — Few. 

I am. with sentiments of esteem, Your 
Friend and Serv't, 


P. S. I have just this moment heard of the 
arrival of Mr. Lee. the Senator from Virginia, 
who I have mentioned as being expected. We 
shall therefore, after so long a time, have the 
pleasure of forming both houses, to morrow, 
and after opening the votes of the Electors for 
a President and V. President, immediately dis- 
patch a messenger to Mount Vernon, and an- 
other to Braintree, to notify those great per- 
sonages of their respective appointments. 

E. H. Derby, Esq. 


I find among the papers of my late grand- 
father, Jonathan Andrew, (deceased 1781,) 
who was an ardent patriot during the revolu- 


tionary war. and an agent for Privateer?, the 
following list of the officers and crew of the 
Ship Junius Brutus. She was a ship carry- 
ing 20 guns, and 110 men, and was captured 
in Oct.. 1782 and sont to Newfoundland. Felt 
says, 1782. Feb'j 19, "A ship arrives, taken 
by the Junius Brutus ; had 1 killed, 2 
Wounded, and the prize 2 killed and 5 wound- 
ed. "' 1 find by a memo, on the paper from 
which I copy, that the J. B. was in Virginia 
31st October, 1780, where several men de- 
serted her. Thinking this list may possess 
some interest at this day, 1 have transciibed 
it for publication in your paper. b. f. b. 

List of Names, Stations and Shares, Junius 

John Brooks, 
Wm. Patterson, 
Hugh Smith, 
Chas. Hamilton, 
Martin Levett, 
Root Fairservice, 
Jenath Glover, 
Jno. Sinclair, 
Jonarh. .VI ay son, 
Thos. Webb, 
Benj'n Thompson, 
Joseph Trask, 
Jno. Ad'len, 
Joseph Salier, 
Stephen Archer, 
John Saint, 
And'w Trewlove 
Charles Peterson, 
David Bicktord, 
Jno. Hovey, 
Edwa-d Dalton, 
Andrew Morgan, 
Neb'iab Cushman, 
Jno. Nooton, 
Sam'l Melutire, 
Peter Smothers, 
John J ickson 
John Hall, 
Sam'l Knap, 
Jonatri Newell, 
Gibson Clough, 
Jno. Wakefield, 

Jno. Watts, 
James Elliot, 
Joseph I Ionian, 
Jno Peeters, 
Jauies liymls, 
Jno Mo. Biiel, 
Tboa Aiilburu, 
Inam Lofry, 
James Uamelion, 
Jauies Robertson, 

1st Lieut., 
2d do. 
Snip Mate, 
2d do. 
Prize Master, 








Jr. Master, 

Sail Maker, 

Cabin Cook, 
Cipt. Marines 

6 do 
5 do 

5 do 

6 do 
2k do 
3 4 do 





Jacob Newell, 
Benj'n Butler, 
Edward Perlac-s, 
Jno. Still, 
Jona. Teague, 
Jno. Allen, 
Jno. McKennoy, 
Edw' ■! Tucker, 
Nic'k Wallace, 
Win. Saucelield, 

H do 
3 do 
li do 
2 do 
2 do 
2 do 
2 do 
U do 
21 do 
li do 


Tho. Traverse, 
Leander Smith, 
Martin Whitforth, 
Duncan MePherson, 
Oliver Wellman, 
Robt. Hazel ton, 
Daniel Mehaney, 
Wm. Burbank, 
Benj'n Felt, 
Thos. Smith, 
John Hooton, 
James Turner, 
Joshua Grant, 
John Cain, 
Jno. Oakman, 
Thos. Robertson, 
Thos. Jones, 
Rob't Remmons, 
Rob't Cloutraan, 
Thos. Driver, 
Ebenez. Whitfoot, 
James Bean, 
John Meach, 
Jnu. Pitman, 
John Cooley, 
Amos Dolliver, 
James Wood, 
Jona. Thompson, 
Otho Beal, 
John Fannock, 
Clement Severy, 
John Dennis, 
Wm. Bradish, 
Jno. Fenley, 
Rob't Gover, 
Robt. Orrick, 






Thos. Norris, 
Jno. Orrick, 
Too*. Rigsley, 
Wm Brar dsoo, 
Aaron Orowell, 
Jona. Brown, 
Joseph Allen, 
David W (tipple, 
Satri'l Russell 
Peter Folsom, 
George llerculeous, 
David Boacb, 
James McNeil, 
Anthony Knap, 
Wm. Butler, 
Wm Pve. 
Sam'l Pick worth, 
Benj'n White, 
W,q Adams, 
J oh i Leach, 
Nehem Gould, 
John Wait, 
Benj'n Woolbridge, 
Joseph Severy, 
J.>hn Archer, 
Jauies Black, 
Jno. Edmonds, 
Sam tel Towns, 
Abrah'm Wuollett, 
Amos Newell, 
Edward Still, 
Thos. Powell, 
French Deacons, 
David Leach, 
Charles Wood, 







Christ'r Wallburt was missed on the 3d day of 
September; was supposed to have fallen overboard. 


In the summer of that year, the Island was in the 
occupation of a body of British troops, under the com- 
mand of Major General Sir Robert Pigot; and it was 
determined that an attempt to recover possession 
should be made by an Am rican army under Maj. Gen. 
Sullivan, in conjunction with the French fleet com- 
manded by the Count D'Estaing. The British force 
was estimated at about 0500 men; the American, at 
9000 or 10000, consisting of '2'200 continental soldiers 
and 7000 or 8000 militia. Of the latter a large por- 
tion were volunteers from New England. Owing to 
disasters to the French ships, occasioned by a tem- 
pest, and to jealousies subsisting between D'Estaing 
and his captains, the fleet failed to cooperate, and 
the Americans, who had landed upon the Island, and 
had taken a position near to Newport, were under 
the necessity of retreating. The quota required of 
Salem was 52 men: but the following list, copied 


from an ancient original supposed to be correct, con- 
tains the names of 81 volunteers. Some contempo- 
rary letters say that nearly or quite 100 men march- 
ed trom Salem; but unless they mean to include 
about 25 boatmen for landing the Americans, there 
is of course an error, eitheT in the list or in the let- 
ters. It will be seen that manj of the prominent 
men of Salem were in the ranks. The company left 
Salem about the 4th of August, and landed on 
Ehode Island on the ICth. On the evening of the 
29th, the American army retired to the north part 
of the island. The next day they repulsed the Brit- 
ish, and in the night, effected their retreat to the 
main land without the loss of men or stores. 

The l'st is presumed to be correct, from the fact 
that it is headed "List of the Volunteer Company 
fiom Salem,'' in the hand-wiiting of Mr. George 
Williams, brother-in-law of Col. Timothy Picfeer- 
ing, and is indorsed in Col. Pickering's hand writ- 
ing, "List of Volunteers Irotr. Salem, for the Rhode 
Island Expedition, August, 1778." 
Sam'l Flagg, Captain, Sam'l Phippen, 

Miles Greenwood, 1st Lt., Jona. Tucker, 
Bobt. Foster, 2d do., Daniel Cbeever, 

Benjamin Ropes, Jr., Benj'n Peters, 

George Smith, Sam'l Tucker, 

David Bnyse, Ezekiel Wellman, 

Caleb Smith, Robt. Peele, 

Win. Gerald, El lis Mansfield, 

Simon Gardner, Nathan Peirce, 

Jno. Chamberlain, Aaron Waitt, 

Benj'n Hatliorn's, Robt. Cook, 

Josepti Young, Nath'l Ropes, Jr., 

George Williams, Sam'l Ropes, 

Jona. Peele, Jr., Win. Osborne, 

Joaa. Ga dner, Jr., Asa Peirce, 

Jacob Ash ton, Jno. Barr, 

Barlho. Putnam, Josiah Austin, 

Samuel Ward, Jno. Page, 

George Bodge. Jr., Benj'n Cloutman, 

Benj ii Gooduue, Jr., Jerath'el Peirce, 

Francis Cabot, Jr., James Eaton, 

Win. Orne, James Bott, 

Edward Norn's, Benj'n Frye, 

Benj'n Dalaud, Isaac Needham, 

Abijah Nortney, Thos. Needham, Jr., 

Sam'l Grant, Zach'y Burchmore, 

Jno. Fisk, Samuel Webb, 

Simon Forrester, Eben Peirce, 

Francis Dennis, Benj'n Warren, 

Sam'l Blyih, James Walker, 

Joshua Dodge, Joseph Mansfield, 

Jona. Har. den, Eben Porter, 

David Ropes, Daniel Peirce, 

Joseph Chipman, Henry Higginson, 

Jona. Waldo, Wm. Lang, 

Geo. Abbot, Francis Clarke, 

Joshua Ward, Jr., Jno. Felt, 

Benj'n Moses, Jos. Lambert, 

Josiah Dewing, Jona. Mansfield, Jr., 

Jno. Andrew, Joseph Hillor. 

James Wood Gould, 



Copied by Ira J. Patch. 


Henry Bragg & Elizabeth Machmallen were 
marryed the 17th 10th mo., 1G77, theire daugh- 
ter Elizabeth, borne 7th 7tu mo., '78. Mary, 
borne 24th March, 1080 Henry, borne 12th 
April, 1682. William, borne 17th Octob'r, 
1684. Sarah, borne 26th March, 1687. Sono 
Alexand'r, born 6th March, 1689 

John Buxton & Elizabeth Holton were mar- 
ryed the 7th 8th mo., 1677. their son Joseph, 
borne the 24th 9th mo.. 1678. their daughter 
Sarah, borne the 9th 12th mo., 1680. their 
son Anthony, borne the 24th 12th mo.. 1682. 
Hannah, borne 20th January, 1685. Rachell, 
born 6th May, 1688. Amos Buxton, born 
Feb'v 12th, 1700-1, Jonathan, born 25th Ju- 
ly, 1706. 

Christopher, son of Christopher Babbadge, 
borne by Hanna his wife the 11th 9th mo., 
1678. son Richard, borne ye 1st 8th mo., 
1680 ; the said Richard, deceased 1st mo '81 ; 
theire second son Richard, borne ye 14th July, 
1682; his son Nebemiah, born 25ch March, 

Tho's Bell & Rebecka Ebborne, marryed 10th 
10th mo , 1680 ; theire eon Thomas, borne 
the 26th August, 1681 ; George, borne 10th 
June, 1684/" 

Sam n ell Readle, his daughter Mary, borne 
by Hanna his wife the 21st of May, 1678 ; 
theire son Lemon borne the 30rh July, 1680 ; 
ye daughter Hannah, borne 18th 10th mo., 
'82 ; ye son Rob't horn 14th 9th mo., '84 ; 
son Jonathan, born 24th July, 1687. and dyed 
16th May, 1688 ; Kaleb. born 24th Feb. 1688. 

Thomas Beadle & Elizabeth Dr;ike were 
marryed ye 18th 7th mo., 1679 : theire daugh- 
ter Elizabeth, borne July the 9th, 1681 ; Ma- 
ry, borne 5th 2d mo., 1683 : Thomas, born 
March, 1685-6. and dved "86 ; Benj'n, born 
7th 7th mo., '87 ; Thomas, born 10th 12th 
mo., '89-90 ; John, bom 14th Feb y, 1691-3, 


Jno Butolph. his son John, borne by Sarah, 
his wife, 1st July, 1G88. Hannah, born 9th 
10th mo., 1689. 

Jno Bayly, son of Jno Bayly, borne last 
Maye, 1081 ; Thomas, borne 16th Mave, '82 ; 
Eliza, borne 16th July, 1684 ; Nicolas, borne 
26th Sept., 1686. 

William Bartoll & Susanna Woodbury were 
marryed ye ; their son Andrew Bar- 
toll, borne the 20th of August, 1680 ; there 
eon William, borne the 4th August, 1682. 

Mathew Barton, his daughter Susana, borne 
by Sarah, his wife, the 10th of May, 1680 ; 
their son Mathew, borne the 6th 9th mo., 
1682 ; their daught'r Sarah, borne 1st Aprill. 
1685 ; their daught'r Elizabeth, borne 20th 
Aprill, 1687. 

John Bullock & Mary Maverick were maryed 
the 3d day of August, 1681; their daught'r 
Elizabeth, borne the 22d of June, 1683 ; their 
sone John, borne 5th Apriil, 1686. 

Edward Bush & Elizabeth Pitman widdow 
were marryed the first of August 1678, theire 
daughter Elizabeth borne the 30th of April 
1679 : Son Edward born 1st of March 1681-2; 
daughter Ann borne the 25th of February, 
1682-3 ; Benjamin, borne 7th Maye, 1685; 
Edw'd Bush born 2d August, 1687 ; son East- 
ick, born 22d of March, '88-9 : son Eastick, 
borne 14th Maye, 1693. 

Jno. Bachelor, dyed August 6th, '84; his 
wife Mary, dyed 19th of August '84. 

Robert Braye, Jun'r, married the 5th No- 
vember, 1685, their sone John, borno 4th 
Sept'r. 1686 ; son Robert, borne 22d Decem- 
ber, 1688 ; Prissillab, borne 11th March, 
1689-90 ; sone Benj'n, borne 27th Sept'r 1692; 
Christian, borne 19th March '94. 

Hannah Buffington, daughter of Thomas 
Buffington, Jun'r & Hannah his wife, born 
May 11, 1701. 

Hana, daughter of Sam'l Cutler, by Eliza 
his wife December 1655, their daughter Abi- 
gail borne 11th mo. '56 ; daughter Sarah, born 
23d 10th mo. '58 
Anna, daughter of Willim Curtis, bv Alice 

his wife, born 30th August, 1658 : their 
daughter Sarah, born 13th 8th mo., 60 and 
dyed 25th 8th mo., '60 ; son Will'm, borne 
ye 26th lOmo. "62 ; son Jo'n, borno 14th 
May, 1666. Abigaile borne about the 15 Au- 
gust, 1664. 

Christopher Croe (or Cro?) and Deliverance 
Bennet were married by Maj. Hathorne the 
8th October, 1657 ; their dau. Hanna bo 10th 
7th mo 165-. 

Jon Collens & Mahetabell Giles were maried 
by Major Hathorne ye 9th 1st mo., 1658-59. 

Humphrey Coomes maried to Bathsheaba 
Ray men t by Capt. Marshall, ye 29th 5th mo., 

Henry Cooke maried to Judith Birdsale, 
June, 1639 ; their son Isaack borne ye 3d 2d 
mo., 1640; son Samuell bo 30th 7th mo., 
1641 ; da"r Judith bo 15th 7th mo., '43 : Ra- 
chell bo 25th 7th mo., 1645 ; John bo 6th 7th 
mo., 1647 ; Mary & Martha bo 15th 7th mo., 
'50; Henry borne 30 feh 10th mo., 1652; Eli- 
za bo September '54, & deceased. Hana bo 
Sept'r, 1658 ; Henry Cooke deceased 25th 
December, 1661. (viz the father.) 

Frances Collens his da'r Sarah bo by Hana 
his wife, 13th 3d mo., '60 ; da'r Christian 
bor in Aprill, 1665 ; son John borne August, 

Richard Curtise his son Caleb bo by Sara 
his wife ye 24th 7th mo,, '46 ; their son Sam- 
uell 1st 2d mo., '51 ; son Richard bo 14th 12 
mo,, '52; da'r Sara bo 19th 1st mo., '5- ; 
da'r Hanna ye 16th 7th mo., -*56 ; son John 
2d 12th mo., '58, & dyed ye 28th 5th mo., 
'59; their son John bo 4th 4th mo., '60, & 
dyed 4th 7th mo., '60 ; dau'rMary borne 11th 
12th mo., '62. 

Humphrey Coomes his da'r Hana bo by 
Barsheba his wife, ye 26th 3d mo , '60 

Sam'l Cutler, eon of Sam'l Cutler & Eliza- 
both his wife, borne at Salem, 1661 ; Ebene- 
zer, son of ye aforesd S. , borne at Salem, 1664. 
John Croad & Elizabeth Price were mar- 
ryed by Maj. Hathorne, 17th 1st mo., '58; 
theire da'r Eliza bo 21st 8th mo., '61 ; theire 
son Jon borne 14th 4th mo., '63; Da Hanna 


home 14th July, "65 ; son Jonathan borne ye 
17th 11th mo., 16G7. 

Giles Coree his da'r Deliverance borne by 
Margaret his wile ye 5th 6th mo., '58. 

Joshua (Jonnant his son Joshua bo by Seeth 
his wife ye 15th 4th mo., '57. 

William Cantlebury deceased ye 1st 4th mo., 

Deborah Clearke deceased 16th March, '60, 
da'r of Will 'in Clearke, vintner. 

Richard Camplin dyed ye 23d April, '62. 

Nath 1 Carrell his Da'r Mary by Mary bis 
wife, bo 20th 5th mo., '62. 

To be Continued. 


Several days since, in company with a friend who 
has spent much time in genealogical research per- 
taining to his own family, we spent a very pleasant 
afternoon in the vicinity of the Danvers Alms House, 
always profuse in charming summer sights. This 
neighborhood affords a pleasant rambling place for 
those who occasionally stroll away from the city, 
and yet who feel no particular interest in the locality 
from any ancestral associations. Those who are 
averse to walking the full distance to this place, can 
find exactly the accommodation they need in the 
South Reading Branch Railroad train, which leaves 
the depot in Salem at fifteen minutes before three in 
the afternoon, and which stops at the signal station 
near the mill of Mr. Buffum, about half a mile this 
Bide of the Alms-bouse. 

The famous boulder, known as "Ship Rock," is 
very near to this station, and is attainable over a 
Somewhat hilly and uneven foot-path extending a 
short distance to the right. This huge rock, which 
must weigh many tons, is visible to travellers upon 
the railroad, lifting its top above the trees, though 
in such a manner as perhaps would fail to convey a 
true idea of its size. Like most of the natural won- 
ders which are named for real things, its resem- 
blance to a ship can be perceived only by a compro - 
mise of facts with the imagination, which, having 
been duly accomplished, the visitor can easily dis- 
tinguish the bow from the stern, and perhaps trace 
out, to his own satisfaction, a tolerably fair model 
of a hull. The rock rests upon a very small base, a 
large part of it extending along parallel with the 

ground, yet a few inches above It; in one place the 
space being sufficient to admit of the past-age of a 
small child. Tuis boulder is the property of the 
Essex Institute, which society has taken the steps 
necessary to make this natural curiosity an attrac- 
tive point of interest, and to exhibit its large dimen- 
sions in the most advantageous manner. An iron 
ladder has been constructed upon it, with chains to 
serve the purpose of maintaining the equilibrium in 
the labor of ascending. The top commands a good 
view, over the trees, of distant scenery, including 
Salem and South Danvers, the prominent structures 
of which stand forth to the vision very conspicuously. 

The familiar mill, on the opposite side of the rail- 
road track, now owned by Mr. James N. Buffum, 
stands upon or near the spot where the first saw- 
mill in Danvers (owned by a man named Very,) was 
erected. Tbe meadow from whence the water which 
furnishes the power for this mill is derived, is flowed 
by a brook which runs from Cedar Pond, which is 
about half a mile above the alms-house. It is near 
this pond and the alins-hous6. where the original 
ancestor, in this country, of those who bear the name 
of Very, once lived and owned a considerable tract of 
land. The identity of the locality is indicated by 
extracts from old wills, which mention "deader 
Pond" with some frequency. The will of Bridget 
(Very) Giles, made in 1668, mentions "a ten acre 
lot, also meadow land be th sides of the brook; also 
house and land," &c. In 1675, Bridget Giles, wid- 
ow, grants unto Eleazer Giles, her son, husbandman, 
"all the upland and meadow formerly owned by Ed- 
ward Giles of Salem, my husband, twenty acres as 
far as the corner of my son, John Giles." In 1679 
Elieazer Giles sold J. King ten acres bounded with 
land of Samuel Very; and, in 1681, the same person 
sold Wm. Lord two acres of meadow "on Ccader 
Pond," bounded on Samuel Very's farm. Samuel 
Very, son of Bridget Very, in his will in 1683, gives 
to Alice (Woodis,) his wife, his dwelling house in 
Salem, with outhousing, orchards, &c; also speak- 
ing of two pieces of meadow next the river (or pond,) 
before his house on the south side, and likewise of 
other land bordering on other parts of the river, or 

The lands here indicated are all in this vicinity; 
and the original house where Bridget Very, — who 
came from England with her two sons, and after- 
wards married a Giles, — lived, was on a road which 
extended from the rear of the alms-house to the 
Kings' estate. This road has long been closed and 
merged in a common lot of wood and shi ubbery ; 


but the indications of the cellar of the old Very 
house still remain, and was pointed out to us by an 
elderly man connected with the alms-house, who 
well remembered the land as the "Very lot." The 
subjoined brief account of this family may prove in- 
teresting to the genealogical readers as well as to 
those who are directly or indirectly connected. It 
was prepared by a descendant, (Rev. Jones V«ry,) 
who has a full record of the family from the original 
emigrant, which will probably soon be printed in 
the Historical Collections. N. A. H. 


This family may he traced back to Bridget Very, 
who came from England with her two sons, Samuel 
and Thomas, and a daughter Mary. They probably 
came from Salisbury. The name of Very, together 
with that of Verin, (which is also an early Salem 
name,) is otten mentioned on the Salisbury records. 
See Mass, His. Col., vol. X., 3d series.) Bridget Very 
was born about 1GU0. She was a member of the first 
Church in Salem in 1G48. She lived, together with 
her sot;, Samuel Very, on the north side of Cedar 
Pond, and of the brook running from it, about sixty- 
rods from the Danvers Alms House, where they 
owned a large tract of land. She was married a 
second' time to Edward Giles of Salem, a member of 
the first Church in 1636; who also resided here, as 
did their children, Mehitabje, Remember, Eleazer 
and John Giles. On this spot her descendants re- 
sided for a century perhaps, as her own and her son's 
will, and the deeds or the land, as well as local tta- 
dition show. Some of those who bear the name of 
Very, still live in different parts of the town of Dan- 
vers. Most of them, however, moved to Salem, 
leaving the pursuits of husbandry to become seamen. 
Many of that name have been shipmasters in Salem. 
Those who bear the name of Giles have lived mostly 
in Beverly and Gloucester. The oldest stone in the 
South Danvers Burying Ground is that which bears 
the name of James Giles,— a grandson of Bridget 
Giles. It is probably 'the oldest in the State erected 
to one so young. It contains the following inscrip- 
tion upon the headstone: — 

Here lyeth ye body of James Gyles, aged about 10 
years. Deceased ye 20 of May, 1689. 

On the footstone is this beautiful epitaph: 

Mind not the grave, where his dear dust is laid; 

But bliss above, whither his soul's conveyed. 

I have found no other memorials to mark the re- 
mains of any of that early date. The above men- 
tioned stones were probably procured from England. 
It was the custom in Danvers, at that early period, 

for families to bury on their own farms, with only a 
rough stone at the head and at the foot of the grave. 
One of these ancient burial places is still to be seen 
on the Putney farm, at Brookdale, about three miles 
from where the Verys lived. These two familie 3 
were related to one another. The following lines, 
written by the Rev. Washington Very, after a visit 
to the former place, are so applicable also to the lat- 
ter, that I here transcribe them. 

Lines on the Old Putney Burial Place, in Danvers. 

Sleep on, sleep on, beneath the sod 
Which oft your weary feet have pressed; 
Forgot by man, bjt not by God, 
Ye lie unknown, though not uublest. 

Sleep on — though high above your grave 
No sculptnred marble meets the eye; 
Here the green birch trees rustling wave, 
And vines in tangled mazes lie. 

Sleen on among these wooded hills — 
Beholder? of your joys and woes; 
Another's thirst now slake these rills, 
Another's voice this echo knows. 

Sleep on — though lands and wealth are left, 
And all that earthly sense could give; 
Of nothing have ye been bereft, 
If but vour souls have learned to live. 

Sleep — till the morning sunbeams play 
Ail lovely round thi smiling height, 
Then wake to that e'erlasting day, 
That knows no sorrow, darkness, night. 
August. 1847. 

Samuel Very, the oldest son of Bridget Very, wa3 
one of the Narragansett soldiers, and received a 
grant of lard on the Sowhegin River. Jonathan 
Marsh, who married his daughter Mary, and John 
Giles, the grandson of Bridget Giles, were wounded 
in the celebrated battle with the Indians at Haver- 
hill, Aug. 29th, 1708. A number also of this family 
were revolutionary soldiers. 

In visiting the spot where Bridget Very and her 
descendants so early located themselves, and so long 
resided, I found that it still bore the name of the 
"Very lot." And I was shown by an aged man the 
cellar where the first house had stood. No house 
had been there since his recollection, but the stones 
were still there, overrun with blackberry vines. — 
There, too, was the well, closed now by a stone. A 
few old moss-covered apple trees, in the midst of a 
new growth of oaks and pines, showed where, two 
centuries ago, the strong hands and brave hearts of 
the early settlers had cleared the land, and made 
them a home, 




Vol. I. 

September, 1859. 

No. 4=. 



Continued jr)m page 91. 

From 1661 to 1684 the colonial government 
struggled against the application of the laws 
of trade, particularly between 1678 and '83 — 
The indefatigable, mischief-making Randolph, 
who was selected in 1677 or 8. by the Commis- 
sioners of Customs to act as Inspector (of cus- 
toms) in the colony, and make seizures and 
bring information for breaches of the acts of 
trade, kept the colony in a ferment during the 
latter period ; and made, according to hisovin 
statement, eight voyages from Old England to 
New England in nine years, in furtherance of 
his watch upon the colony. Being generally 
condemned in costs in the colonial courts upon 
the actions he brought, and being thereby, as 
he represents, a groat sufferer, he no doubt 
clearly saw, and as faithfully reported, that 
unless Massachusetts was deprived of her char- 
ter, and with it her power of choosing her Gov- 
ernor and Admiralty officers, it would be in 
vain to hope for obedience to the laws of trade 
from the colony. The way he was treated 
in 1681 when he came over with a commission 
from the Crown for Collector and Surveyor 
and Searcher of Customs — the worse than silent 

contempt which greeted him on arrival at Bos- 
ton, doubtless had their weight in the final 
proceedings against the charter. In 1689, 
however, all this came back upon his head, 
and he narrowly escaped with his life for the 
mischief he had done. 

Perhaps to bim, more than any other man, 
Massachusetts was indebted for the subsequent 
loss of her charter and other liberties. A 
shrewd observer of men and passing events — 
keen, indefatigable, and perhaps unscrupulous 
— he knew when, where, and how to strike the 
colony, and was well understood in turn by 
the colonial authorities, who excepted him 
from bail in 1689, as a capital offender, and 
would have executed him probably, but for 
the order of Nottingham for his removal with 
others to England tor an examination there. — 
During this long struggle for the charter lib- 
erties, civil as well as commercial, the clergy 
nobly led the van in opposition to royal tyran- 
ny, and when Massachusetts fell, she fell with 
tbe sword of the spirit in her grasp, and her 
face resolutely towards the foe. The ancient 
Puritanism of the colony seemed to die in this 
struggle — but merely in seeming, for it was on- 
ly asleep — pleasant, moreover, with dreams of 
Freedom, and it finally arose as the giant re- 
freshed with slumber, and as the strong man 
prepared to run his race. 

In 1668 "a maritime code" is promulgated 
by the Gen'l Court, containing 27 sections, 


comprehending the rights of owners, masters 
and mariners, their duties to and contracts 
with each other, and various provisions relat- 
ing to pilots, marine losses, accidents, neglects 
and wrecks. As a preamble, the Gen"l Court 
acknowledge that the navigation and maritime 
affairs of .Mass. have grown to be a considera- 
ble interest, and the well management thereof 
of great concernment to the public weal. In 
1G82. Marhlehead, Beverly, Gloucester, Ipswich, 
Rowley, Newbury and Salisbury were *annex- 
ed by Gen' I Court to Salem, as the Port of 
Entry, and no native vessels from foreign parts 
are to break bulk before entry with the Naval 
Officer, on penalty of confiscation of ship and 
goods ; and vessels passing from port to port 
in the colony are to take permits from the Na- 
val Officer. Any vessel taking plantation 
commodities to give bonds, or show certificate 
of bond under penalty of confiscation. The na 
val office was to be open for entry and clearing 
from 10 to 12 A. M , and from 2 to 4 P. M. 

In 1684 Benj'n Gerrish is appointed to be 
naval officer of Salem, and annexed ports, in- 
stead of the late Milliard Veren, and to demand 
and receive the powder money of all masters 
of ships and other vessels according to their re- 
spective burdens, giving an account to the sur- 
veyor General yearly, or oftener, as the law 
directs. At this time Boston, Charlestown, and 
Salem are the three commercial ports of tbe 
State. Salem as late as 173G was evidently 
second in importance after Boston in (commer- 
cial) wealth, as she pays the second highest 
sum of the £9000 fund and security tax then 
levied on the State — Boston paying £1620, and 
Salem the next largest sum £258 — 15 — 0, or 
between a sixth and seventh of that of Boston. 

The Customs levied by the Colonial Govern- 
ment from 1G35 to 1740, are a curious study. 
In a former note in this article, an abstract of 
several of these customs has been given. More 
yet remain on the Colony Records, but some 
of them are somewhat obscure, and some ap- 

* Salisbury was shortly afterwards taken out of 
ibis lidt. 

pear to be local. The general principle run- 
ning through them, appears to be, that the 
articles needed in the Colony — of prime ne- 
cessity — shall be favored or free, — such arti- 
cles as salt, sheep's wool, cotton wool, fish, 
gunpowder, money, plate, and bullion. These 
are particularly favored by law in 1G68-9. — 
The customs on wine and liquors seem to be a 
double one ; 1st, the regular import duty, and 
2dly, the privilege of retailing them, which 
privilege or license was hir^d of the State by 
retailers, for longer or shorter periods, the 
State not permittinir the importers or whole- 
sale dealers to sell by retail less than a quarter 
cask, in order that those purchasing the privi- 
lege to retail, might have no competition from 
any other quarter. This is one explanation of 
the phrase "farming out the customs," which 
one meets with in the old History of Mass.— 
It was simply a sale of the exclusive privilege 
of selling wines and liquors by retail, in cer- 
tain districts or places. Occasionally other 
privileges were also farmed out, as in 1G68 we 
see (in the Colony Records.) that the Treasurer 
of the country, with three assistants, is au- 
thorized "to farme let" for the use of Massa- 
chusetts for one or more years, not exceeding 
three: 1st, the import of wine, brandy and 
rum ; 2d, the benefit of beaver, furs, and pel- 
try with the Indians ; 3d, the rates ot draw- 
ing wine from the vintners ; 4th, rates upon 
beer, cider, ale and mum from public sellers; 
5th, the benefit of selling ammunition to the 

This farming out of the customs began as 
early, certainlv, as 1644. Mr. Edward Rau- 
son then paid for "ye rent due for wine draw- 
en in ye countrey, £107 10s, for a yeare." In 
1645 an act is passed, imposing certain duties 
on sack, French wines, &c , in which it is or- 
dered that the duty shall be paid ''in money, 
good merchantable beaver, or ye best of ye 
same wine at ye merchants' price." The Au- 
ditor General then had the care of the custom 
of wine, and perhaps all liquors. In 1648 
and 9, wo see the customs again let out to cer- 


tain parties in Boston and elsewhere. In 1040 
certain duties are levied on goods imported 
from Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, 
and they are to be entered with the Auditor- 
General, who is to act as Collector. It was 
probably a Deputy under him, who was Col- 
lector of the "French House" 1 Custom House 
in Salem, mentioned by Felt as having been 
located on the South River, in 1G15. When 
Hilliard Veren was appointed Collector in Sa- 
lem, in 1GL53 , he probably reported to the Au- 
ditor-General as Head Quarters. In 1084, 
Benj. Gerrish is to report to the Surveyor- 

Down to 1075 a committee are appointed to 
farm out the customs, but how much longer 
this plan continued, we know not. It appears 
to have been abandoned before 1700. About 
that *time our commerce and Custom House 

*In 1700, Mr. John Higginson of Salem recom- 
mends to his brother, the direct trade from Barba- 
does, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places to Eng 
land, rather than Salem as the place to make returns 
to England; and Bilboa, Cadiz, Oporto and the 
streights in Europe as places to make direct returns 
to England. According to Mr. H. the Navigation 
laws were obeyed in Salem, in 1700, as he says "we 
trade with all parts, where the law doth not prohib- 
it." These facts indicate that the trade from Salem, 
direct to England, was then unprofitable, and profit 
could alone be made by carrying Sugar, Molasses, 
Cotton, Tobacco, &g. from Barbadoes, Jamaica, and 
Virginia, to England, or Fish to Spain and the 
streights. The Euglish Laws had already begun to 
cramp and injure our trade. They were felt very 
seriously when the gold and silver, which should 
have returned from Spain, Portugal and toe Streights 
for our fish, went to England to pay for goods. The 
same policy prevented the Colonists from bringing 
into Mass the coin from their West India trade; 
and as a natural consequence, specie became alarm- 
ingly scarce in Mass. The trade and the coin cen- 
tred in England to our prejudice. 

In 1696, the affairs of the English Plantation 
■were entrusted permanently to Commissioners, who 
formed the Board of Trade, and thereafter Massa- 
chusetts was rapidly subjected to the Laws of Trade 
of England. The Governor, being appointed by the 
King, was sworn to see those laws obeyed, and am- 

seem to have come under the direct control of 
the English authorities, thus ending for tho 
rime tho long struggle against the Navigation 
Liws, — a not very satisfactory change, how- 
ever, for the Colonists. 

In 1008 two per cent, is levied, as duty on 
general merchandize. In 100'J one penny 
on every 20 shillings worth. This latter is 
the same duty, we presume, as Bradstreet 
says was levied in 1080, and continued in 
force until 1720, (excepting English goods at 
that time,) and even later. The duties seem 
to be heaviest throughout on liquors of various 
kinds, sugar, spices, tobacco, molasses and dyo 
stuffs. Though the Colonists seem not to 
have exported manufactured goods, except 
wooden ware and kindred materials, down to 
1720 or 30 say ; yet they manufactured do- 
mestic goods for their own use, and most prob- 
ably paid but a gmall tax to the English man- 
ufacturers, who complain about it. 

Some of the early Mass. laws concerning 
ships and shipping are perhaps lost. Some 
of those which yet remain, referring to the 
discipline on board ships, are quaint, and sug- 
gestive of the early days of New England — 
having sometimes a reason in them, which, 
though dimly seen by us, was yet acknowl- 
edged to be important then. In 1003 a law 

pie powers were conferred on the officers of the rev- 
enue to the same end. From that date to 1740, 
Massachusetts was made the victim of the Trade 
Monopoly of England, which sought by various laws 
to destroy her industry, impair her Colonial trade, 
render her interests subordinate to the Sugar Colo- 
nies and Slave labor, and herself dependent on and 
indebted to England. Massachusetts was in conse- 
quence much crippled in her Colonial Commerce, and 
an attempt was made to cut her off also from the 
French and Dutch West Indies, to which she bad 
traded (says Bancroft) iu an humble way after the 
peace of Utrecht in 1713. The English manufactur- 
ers and merchants united in suppressing her com- 
mercial freedom, and her manufactures — excepting 
of course the freedom which was taken as against 
law, and the domestic manufactures persisted in by 
the prudence and economy and independence of the 


passed, by which no gun was to be fired off 
on board ship after sunset, or on the Sibbath, 
undtT 20* penalty. This may have had refer 
ence to false alarms.* By the same law no 
heaithsf were to be drunken, by day or night, 
on board ships in harbor, under penalty of 
20s. This law seems to have been the one in 
force in 1663, according to Felt's Annals. — 
The laws in regard to runaway sailors were 
stringent. A glance at the "Maritime Code'' 
of 1068, will show this. (See Colony Records, 
1668.) Between 1G80 and '93 an Act was pass- 
ed for the regulation of seamen, which was un- 
repealed in 1737, wherein seamen are exempted 
from arrest for debt, while belonging to any 
ehip, and both they and the masters of vessels 
are punished, if such masters entice them from 
any ship upon which they have agreed to go a 
voyage — the master by a penalty of £5, and 
the seamen by a forfeiture of a month's pay. 
Seamen deserting were to be imprisoned. By 
this law it appears that a book was sometimes 
used by the masters of vessels, as the shipping 
paper, and was called the "Master's Book." 
It seems the law exempted sailors from arrest, 
because they were often- taken off from voyages 
"by arrest or restraint of debt, or pretence 
thereof *' 

We find but little information in regard to 

*The leason of this law does not distinctly appear, 
except so far as the Sabbath is concerned. It cannot 
have an} 7 reference to a state of affairs existing, like 
that of 1644-5, when the authorities had to prevent 
the ships of the opposing English factions from fight- 
ing in our harbors. It may, however, have reference 
to the excitement and alarm precedirg the visit of j 
the Royal Commissioners. 

fThe law against drinking "healths" may refer to 
drinking the King's health. The Colonists were 
then dreading the inoroaobments of the King upon 
their charter and liberties, and may have thus shown 
their independence. They were staunch Republi- 
cans, and did not wish perhaps to hear even the 
name of the King, always fearing the loss of their 
liberties by monarchical hands. 

In 1 (;.">(), (as appears by the Colony Records,) sail- 
ors could not be sued for drink ; ng debts unless guar- 
anteed by their owners. 

the rate of the Jwages of seamen in the early 
days of Mass. The rate of wages paid farm 
laborers in England from 1625 to 1740, varied 
from 6£ pence per day (in 1G25.) to 10 pence 
per day in 1740, and did not amount to a shil- 
ling or upwards until between 17G0 and '80. 
So Ruding calculates in his annals of the Coin- 
age of Great Britain. In Massachusetts, the 
rates of labor in 1630 were for various master 
traders, 16d per day ; common workmen and 
j laborers 12d per day, with 6d for meat and 
I drink. This was soon repealed, — perhaps as 
] being too high a value tor labor. In 1633, 
I however, master carpenters, sawyers, masses, 
clapboards ryvers, brieklayers, tylars, joyners, 
i wheelewrights, mowers, &c.,are not to have 
j above 2s per day, "findeins themselves dyett," 
and not above 14d per day if boarded. The 
penalty for everv day's violation of this order 
on either side, was 5s. All inferior workmen 
of such occupations were to be paid such wagea 
as the Constable of the place, and two other 
inhabitants he shall choose, shall appoint. - 
The best sort of laborers shali have 18d, if 
without diet, and 8d with — the same penalty 
to attach to a violation of the law. The wag- 
es of inferior laborers, were likewise to be re- 
ferred to the Constable and his chosen two. 
Master tailors were to have 12d, and inferior 
sort 8d, if dieted. ( See Colony Records, Oct. 
Term of Gen'l Court, 1633 ) By such laws it 

% It appears from old Letters of Instructions from 
ship owners, that seamen on foreign voyages had 
then certain privileges — that is some space allotted 
them in vessels for their own adventures, perhar. 
half a ton, less >r more. This custom was somewhat 
similar to the joint interest that Fishermen held 
with the owners of the Fishing craft, in the catch of 
fish. We believe that until within a few years this 
privilege of sailors continued. Perhaps owing to this 
privilege, the rate of sailors wages may not have 
been as high in old times as it otherwise would have 
been. According to Sam'l Browne's Instructions to 
Touzell, 1727, (Hist. Coll. Essex Institute, 1st vol., 
No. 2d, page 66) it appears that the sailors were to 
pay their proportions of all foreign permissions to 
trade, according to their privileges. 


would seem that the wages of labor in Muss, 
were generally higher than those paid in the old 
country from 1629 to 1740 ; though the N. 
E. shilling after 1652. (where this shilling is 
used as indicating the value of labor,) must 
be considered as at a discount (when compared 
with the then English shilling,) of about 25 
per cent. It may be, however, that the colo- 
nial coin, though at this discount, would buy 
more of the products of the field or sea than 
the English coin (of the same nominal value) 
in England. The rates of wages paid common 
laborers in Mass. can thus be reasonably esti- 
mated, and perhaps those paid seamen also, 
though but little evideuce in regard to the 
latter seems to remain. 

In 1677 (according to an old paper in the 
Hollingworth family,) a Hugh Woodbury 
charges Wm. Hollingworth £3 03s Od, as 
wages for a voyage to Virginia. Whether 
this is for the whole voyage (out and return,) 
does not appear, nor whether it was for total 
wages, or simply a balance of account. From 
the pages of an old memorandum book of Capt. 
{Samuel! Ingersolls, (found among the English 
papers.) and under date of 1694, (March 19,) 
we learn that the wages paid on board the 
"slupe [sloop] Prudent Marah" [Mary] (be- 
longing most probably to Philip English.) were 
as follows: — Sam'U Ingersoll, Captain £4 10s 
Od 4 *per raunth ;" Will Woods, mate, £3 5s 
Od, do. : Abram Gale, £2 15s Od, do. ; Rich- 
ard Ingersoll, £2 05s Od, do. ; John Rese, or 
Rose, £1 05s Od, do.; the boy, £1 10s Od, do. 
This would give the captain $15 per mo., .the 
mate $10.84 do., Gale $9 17 do., Richard In- 
gersoll $7.50 do., Reee or Rose $4.16 do., the 
boy $5 00 do. This calculation is based upon 
the value of the Pine Tree shilling, as assayed 
at the U. S. mint, and kindly furnished us by 
Matthew A. Stickney, Esq. We reduced these 
wages to shillings of the specie currency of 
Mass., which, by the U. S. assay, have an in- 
trinsic value of about 16| cents. As there is 
no evidence that these wages were to be paid 
but in specie, we have calculated them as to 


be paid in specie, and the Colonial pound to 
contain 20 shillings, at 16f cents the shilling. 

In 1713 wo find Capt. Win. English, in hia 
account, being on a voyage to Connecticut, 
credits his owner with payment ol several pay- 
ments of monthly wages to seamen. The low- 
est is £2 02s Od ; the highest £2 15s Od ; 
while the larger number receive £2 10s Od. 
Whether these sums were paid in the silver or 
paper currency of Mass, at that time, does 
not appear, nor is it of much consequence, as 
the paper money ot the Province was then at 
a very slight discount. In 1714. according to 
the Portlidge Bill of the sloop Sa//y, of 6alem, 
Peter Henderson, master, the captain received 
£4 10s per mo., tiie mate £3 5u, and the two 
men £2 10s each do.; 10 be paid perhaps in 
paper currency. In *1728, according to the 
receipts of several sailors of the Briganteen 
Edeavor, bound for Bilboa, it appears that 87 
shillings was their month's advance pay. — 
Whether paid in silver or bills, does not ap- 
pear. If in bills, it must have been at over 
fifty per cent loss, the bills then standing 
in the ratio of 17 shillings paper to the oz. of 
silver, which latter, in 1710 to 1713, was equal 
to only 8 shillings of paper. 

The wages ot those serving on board of the 
country sioop of Massachusetts, (perhaps a 
Revenue Boat.) from 1730 to 1734, were : — 
for the captain £6 per month : for the mate 
£4 per month ; and three sailors each £3 per 
month. As ther*e were very probably picked 
men, they commanded a higher rate of wages 
than ordinary officers or seamen, we may pre- 
sume. If paid in paper money, they must 
have taken it at a great discount, for in 1734 
16 shillings in bills would, not purchase 5 

* In a deed bearing date of 1728, and kindly loaned 
U3 by Dr. Benj. F. Browne of Salem, one of the Parties 
(Saua'l Browne) agrees upon a certain contingency 
to pay to his sister (Mary King) "Fifty pounds in 
good Bills of Credit of the Province, or Silver money 
at eighteen shillings per ounce." 

We presume the above must be understood as at 
18 shillings of paper currency per oz. of silver. 


shillings in silver, and from 1730 to 1734, 
nineteen shillings in paper, were considered 
equivalent to about 8 shillings in coin. 

Fish being the great staple of Salem, as of 
the colony, was of course the early object 
of the care and attention of the legislature. — 
Laws were passed protecting it as well as the 
fishermen. The curing of it seems to have be 
come at last a distinct business, left to those 
called shoremen, who received the fish on re- 
turn of the fishers and cured and diied it. It 
then passed under the review of the cullers, 
•who were sworn officers, certainly after 1700, 
and was divided into merchantable, middling, 
and refuse— also scale fish. The first two 
went to Spanish and the first class markets - 
the refuse to the slaves in the West Indies, and 
perhaps the poorer classes of Europe. The 
fish from Acadia (Nova Scotia) (Cape Sable 
fish) was in great demand in Bilboa, Spain, 
as being a superior fish, and was largely ship- 
ped there. Marblehead sent this description 
ol fish to Spain even after our American Revo- 
lution, In 1670 the legislature denounce the 
use of Tortuga (West India) salt on account 
of its impurity, and fish cured by it was made 
unmerchantable by law. 

Winter Island and the adjoining Neck seem 
to have been especially devoted in Salem to 
the fisheries— Winter Island being in 1695, 
and yet later, the head quarters, to judge by 
history, tradition and old papers. How far 
Salem may have been engaged in the whale 
fishery is dubious. Some of her sons may have 
gone down to Cape Cod on such an errand, for 
the Cape as late as 1714 was so largely visited 
by cod and whale fishers, that the General Court 
that year made all the province lands there a 
precinct, and the visitors to it (fishermen) sup- 
port a settled ministor at £60 per annum, by 
a tax of four pence a week levied on each sea- 
man, to be paid by the master of the boat for 
the whole company. This was in the days 
when nn man was permitted to be absent from 
church a month, if in health, without presen- 
tation before the Grand Jury, and punishment 
by fine of twenty ohillinga ! 

In order to protect herself and commerce, 
Salem early erected a *Fortress. Felt says 
the company (in London) had one built 
in 1629, and that it was erected on Naugus' 
Head. This was Darby Fort, and was well 
provided by the company with large cannon 
and a cannoneer, he says. In 1634 the Gene- 
ral Court grant Salem "the use of two olde 
Jsakers" landed from the ship Neptune, for 
which they are to provide carriages. This 
may b^ for their fort, or land service. In 1646 
Salem had "divers great pieces 1 ' mounted, and 
one mounted mortar, and perhaps had in 1648 
one of the M Leather guns" which our General 
Court ordered the ''major general" in 1647 to 
procure from England, which •' if found good 
and profitable, may give light and encourage- 
ment for ye procuring or making of more.''' — 
This well illustrates the prudence of our fa- 
thers, who knew that the Indians dreaded ar- 
tillery, and that leather guns being very light, 
could be transported through the woods, 
swamps, moras»es, and over the rocky hills of 
a new countrv with great celerity, and would 
produce among the ignorant Indians a panic 
equal to that of regular artillery. It was a 
Napoleonic strategy based on the known effects 

*In 1628-9 among the articles to be provided and 
apparently for our fort, were 8 pieces of land ord- 
nance, with 5 mere already provided, namely, two 
demi culverins, weighing 3000 pounds and three 
sackers (sacres) weighing 2500 — with one whole cul- 
verin and two small pieces— iron drakes. 

:J:The Saker (or Sacre) was a piece of ordnance de- 
riving its name from Sacre (French) a hawk of the 
Falcon kind. It appears to have been a peculiar 
cannon. Dampier in his voyages, 1088, says, — "Of 
guns the long sacre is most esteemed." To judge by 
some old accounts of spoils taken or lost in war, the 
saker or sacre was often used as field ordnance — a spe- 
cies of field artillery. 

The loan of these guns to Salem suggests, though 
it may not refer to, an arming of the sea-ports on 
account of the requisition of the colonial charter by 
the authorities in England. Tbe infant coluny was 
in trouble in 1633-4 through the malice of its ene- 
mies in England. — (Bancroft Hist. U. S. vol. 1pp. 


of genuine artillery upon the natives — real 
guns first, and sham ones afterwards. 

In 1653 Salem is granted out of the next 
country levy (colony tax) £100 towards their 
fortifications. Felt thinks a fort was com- 
menced on Winter Island in 1643 — says that 
Salem is granted a "harrell of powder" in 1652 
for saluting ships on necessary occasions — and 
that in 1655 Winter Island is appropriated for 
the use ot the fort, and that, as this, was not 
finished, every man refusing to work there was 
to he fined three shillings a day. The grant of 
£100 to Salem out of the next country levy in 
1653, was perhaps made on account of the pan- 
ic then prevalent, that there was a conspiracy 
of the Indians throughout the country to cut 
off the English, which afterwards proved to be 
unfounded. Salem at that time had very prob- 
ably another fort, if not two, as well as pali- 
sades to keep out Indians on the land side, or 
if not regular forts, yet block-houses. 

In 1664 the whole colony was in a state of 
alarm, not only from civil causes and miefor- 
tunes, but also from the visitation of comets, 
both that year and the year before, which were 
regarded as the harbingers of change and wo, 
and the monitors of a Divine wrath to human 
guilt. The General Court seemed to share 
the panic produced by these mysterious celes- 
tial visitants, and, being oppressed with many 
misfortunes, appointed the 22d of June as a 
day of humiliation, stating, among other rea- 
sons for so doing, that they were ''not unmind- 
ful of the alarum sent from Heaven given us 
by the awful appearance of comets, both this 
and the last year, warning us to be watchful 
and quickened unto the discharge of the seve- 
ral duties incumbent upon us respectively." — 
Acting upon her ^misfortunes, including the 

*0ne of these misfortunes, probably, was the ex- 
pected visit and troublesome efforts of the royal com- 
missioners. They arrived in July 1664, and by their 
intrigues with disaffected people in the colonies, and 
even with Indians, did what was in their power to 
unsettle the authority of the General Court, and that 
in addition to their positive unjust demands upon 

Dutch war, whoso injustice was generally felt 
and acknowledged, Massachusetts begins to 
look after her fortifications, and in 1066 Sa- 
lem is ordered, as one of her ports, to erect a 
battery on some convenient place upon its har- 
bor, as it is too open and exposed. The 
work is to be done under the advice and di- 
rection of the major general, and Salem is to 
have an abatement of the country rate for the 
purpose. Caps. George Corwin is to improve 
all means to speedily effect this work, and the 
committee of the militia of Salem are desired 
to ascist him. belt says that each male above 
16 was required to labor in his turn at the work 
under penalty of 3s a day ; and that in 1667 
the great guns are ordered to be carried to the 
fort with speed. They have heard in Salem 
perhaps of the threatened visit of the Dutch 
fleet which ravaged Virginia. 

In 1673 our lort is to be refitted, and "the 
great artillery" prepared, and all be done as 
"this juncture of time requires." So says 
Felt. This ''juncture" in all probability, was 

the colony. The authorities treated them with in- 
dependent deference, though the people seem to have 
abominated them. Various stories were set in circu- 
lation as to their motives in coming to Mass., the ef- 
fect of which was to cast ricicule and odium upon 
them and their pretensions, and which the people, 
perhaps, believed. Their manner of acting, moreo- 
ver, justified grave suspicions. 

The authorities at that time treated the commis- 
sioners boldly as well as wisely, resisting, disputing 
and gaining time by a wearisome correspondence, 
hoping, perhaps, for a change or revolution in Eng- 
land. The commissioners were an illegal, unwar- 
ranted body, according to Bancroft. 

The fleet which bore the commissioners to Boston 
had undoubtedly a double duty to perform — first, to 
impress the colonists with the power of England, 
and secondly, to reduce the Dutch settlements on the 
Hudson. The Colonial Authorities expected vio- 
lence from this fleet — the armed seizure of their 
Charter — and thus were placed in the suspense be- 
tween Civil injustice on the one hand, and armed 
wrong on the other — a misfortune indeed, and one of 
the causes, most probably, of the appointed " day of 


the fear of a Dutch fleet, as England had de- 
clared a second and still mure unjustifiable war 
against Holland on the 17th March, 1672. — 
Had it not been for the great naval engage- 
ments near home during this war, and which 
prevented the Dutch from using their fleets 
extensively abroad, New England might, and 
probably would have received a warlike visit 
from De Ruyter, Brankert, or Van Tromp. 

In 1G82 our fortifications are reported by 
the Gen'l Court to be "very defective and un- 
serviceable if occasion should require.'' This 
shows that. King Philip's war, though so dead- 
ly a one for New England generally — about 
every eleventh family having been burned out, 
and an eleventh part of the militia throughout 
New England (according to Trumbull) having 
been slain in it, — did not alarm the commercial 
towns much, or the fortifications therein would 
have been in better repair, especially as Phil- 
ip's war closed practically in 1676. The 
Gen'l Court, moreover, further order in 1682 
that the Committees of Militias and Selectmen 
of Salem with the advice of the Major General, 
are empowered to repair their fortifications, or 
build a new fort or forts, and the said Com- 
mittees and Selectmen are empowered to levy 
on the town and inhabitants the sum needed 
to effect this. This committee seem to have 
made their report to the Gen'l Court, where- 
upon Salem is ordeied to mount its great guns, 
and upon good serviceable carriages, and pro- 
vide a competent number of good common bas- 
kets, to be filled, to secure those who stand by 
said great guns if occasion requires them to be 

The closing reign of Charles 2d exhibited 
so many strides towards absolute power — 
so many fears for the safety of Protestant- 
ism — and involved so many losses of pow- 
er and privileges to the colony, that the col- 
onists may have felt themselves called up- 
on to prepare for any change, The Repub- 
lican spirit was rising again with resistless 
strength in England, not to clothe itself to be 
sure in Republican forms, but in constitution- 

al monarchy, a modification of Republicanism, 
but of lower degree, with a king for protector, 
instead of a civilian. The colonists may have 
been on the alert, with an expectant faith in 
better days, and our Salem fort may have been 
repaired anew, and its great guns mounted in 
anticipation thereof. The 11 great guns and 
ammunition bought in 1690 by a committee 
seem to indicate a hope of their future need 
for freedom. In the same year (1690), the 
fort on Winter Island is repaired, and a breast- 
work thrown up in another place, according 
to Felt. In 1699 Winter Island fort was ca'l- 
ed fort William In 1714 we have in Salem a 
20 gun fort which is most probably the Win- 
ter Island fort, and in 1742 a new fort with a 
platform for 16 gnns, which Felt thinks was 
most probably erected on the heights of the 

The early currency of Mass. colony— an im- 
portant matter in its commerce and trade — 
seems during its first few years to have con- 
sisted of English coin, wampum (white, black 
and blue), Dutch coin, and Indian corn, wheat, 
rye, barley and peas, at certain stated rates 
per bushel. Live stock, beaver, bullets, (and 
still later gunpowder) were also currency. Up 
to 1652 taxes were often paid in such a cur- 
rency. English coin, bullion and Spanish 
coin seem to have circulated in Mass. between 
1640 and "52. also some Western Island mo- 
ney (Portuguese?). It seems some of the 
-panish coin from the W T est Indies was of 
light weight Money being scarce in Mass. 
the colony, defiring ana needing a stan- 
dard currency, and that too without calling 
on England for it, in 1652 set up a *mint, and 

*There seems to be some division of opinion among 
various writers as to the cause of the origin and rea- 
sons for a continuance of the Mass. Mint. Ran~ 
dolph (who was a keen investigator, but no friend to 
the Colonists,) states in 1676, that Massachusetts 
struek off tier coin as of 1652, to commemorate the 
era of her independence— -the year in which she 
erected herself into a Commonwealth — subjected the 
anjacent Colonies to herself, and called the deputies 


gave liberty to any who had bullion, plate or 
Span is!) silver to bring it in, and have it coin 
ed into colonial currency. 

To judge by the ordpr of the Gen'l Court in 
1652, the 12d, Gd and 3d silver pieces then 
coined were to be of the same alloy (purity^ 
as the sterling currency j ieces of the same class 
in England, but were to be about a quarter 
less in value, so that thoy should not be ship- 
ped out of the country, as the foreign coin 
was, which had been brought into Massachu- 
setts. Foreign debtors, of course, wanted to 
be paid in money, and not the colonial pro- 
duce, and this drained the colony of money, 
though it had supplies of other articles. In 
order to make the currency of 1652 the stan- 
dard currency, it was declared to be the cur- 
rent money of the colony, and none other was 
to pass, except English, unless by the consent 
of those receiving it. 

The current shilling of England was worth 
about 22 cents — the Colonial *shilling about 

into her Councils. An English authority states that 
the act of coinage by Mass. was not very offensive 
to England, and though mentioned as one ground of 
complaint in the action to vacate the Colonial Char 
ter, was not by any means the principal complaint. 
Hutchinson, however, says that Charles 2d forbid 
Massachusetts from coining, and the Colony Records 
show that the commissioners certainly complained of 
it in 1665. It is reasonably certain that Massachu- 
setts was compelled to supply herself with a curren- 
cy, even if it originated in a spirit of independence, 
aid. the compulsion was also spiced with some inde- 
pendence, as she continued to coin as long as she 
had the power, and in spite of warnings and threats. 
Her money, however, mainly went to pay the debts 
of English merchants — to satisfy their monopolizing 
avarice, and even at this day the Pine Tree money 
is said, to be much more easily obtained, as a curios- 
ity, in England, than in Massachusetts. 

*Through the kindness of Matthew A. Stickney, 
Esq., whose research into our Colonial currency is 
well known, as well as his splendid collection of ear- 
ly New England and American currencies, we are 
enabled to state the value of the old Pine Tree Shil- 
ling. As assayed at the U. S. mint, it was found 
to weigh from 65 to 67 grains, proved to be 926 one- 
thousandths fine, and its intrinsic value about 10| 


17 — the lesser pieces proportionally. The dif- 
ference in value between our coin and that of 
the same class in England, was ordered for the 
purpose of retaining our own money at homo. 
The difference of exchange between England 
and the colony soon amounted to 25 per cent. 
against Massachusetts, — n quarter part. The 
coinage of these moneys was continued as of 
the same dutc for many years. (Hutchinson 
says) an*l therefore it is very difficult to tell 
their real dates. This was done perhaps to 
conceal from the authorities in England the 
fact that they (the Colonists) were issuing 
their money year after year, when repeatedly 
ordered to stop coining. So there pot finally 
to be as many shillings of the date of f 1052 

cents. It will be easy, therefore, for any readers of 
this article to reduce for themselves the Colonial 
pounds and shillings mentioned therein to the mod- 
ern currency— also to find the value of the old 
oz. of silver. 

fit seems, according to a writer in the Mass. Hist, 
Coll., that coin was also issued by the State, as of 
the date of 16G2. A 1 ale writer in the "Hist. Mag., 
and Notes and Queries," Vol. 3, No. 7. pages 197 to 
202, discusses the subject of the Massachusetts Pine 
Tre^ money with great acumen, and judging from 
his remarks, which seem entirely reasonable, the 
original issue of that money was a step towards in- 
dependence, and so intended. The original order of 
the General Court for coinage, orders simply the is- 
sue of coin, (as a sovereign State would,) with pre- 
cautions only against fraud. It is well known that 
the Colonists desired of Cromwell to be set apart, as 
a separate kingdom. The royal Commissioners in 
1665 charge this upon them, and Randolph in 1676 
(whom Hollis calls a court spy on the Colony,) states 
that Massachusetts struck off her coin as of the date 
of 1652, as being the era of her independence. He 
does not mention the coinage of 1662, which coin- 
age, however, the writer iu the Hist. Magazine, and 
Notes and Queries, thus attempts to explain. 

When Charles the 1st came in, (1660) he was in- 
censed against the Colonists — among other things, 
on account of then' coining money. They, seeing 
this, passed an order in 1662, which, while author- 
izing the re-issue of coins, gave a reason therefor> 
viz., to answer the purpose of exchange. This the 
order of 1652 did not, but was a more imperative or- 
der. It therefore is most probable that the order of 


as there are relics of the saints among Catho- 
lic collections. 

In order to keep their coin at home, a quar- 

1662 was intended to conciliate Charles so far, at 
least, as being a defence of their previous coinage. 
Moreover, the Pine Tree of this latter coinage is 
made bushy and broad, to resemble the famous Oak 
of Boscobel, in which Charles had hid himself from 
his enemies, and which had been topped but a year 
or two before his concealment therein. These cir- 
cumstances induce the writer above mentioned to 
suppose that the coinage of 1662 was only a ruse, on 
the part of the Colonial authorities to conciliate or 
blind Charles. The order of 1662 in regard to this 
Coinage U said never to have been printed. 

This writer further states that the device on the 
Pitib Tree Money, viz. the double ring and Pine 
(Cedar) Tree, were taken, in all probability, from 
the prophet Ezekiel, and signified both independence 
and giowth, and were a declaration of the indepen- 
dence of Cod's chosen people by the General Court. 
The Tine Tree was used, as being the nearest resem- 
blance at band to the Scriptural Cedar. They (the 
General Court) allowed the money to be usually call- 
ed Pine Tree money, but it bore a deeper meaning 
to the initiated, and was the symbol of an indepen- 
dence, which, however, came not until about a hun- 
dred years later. It, however, shows what the aspi- 
ration* and intentions of the colonial authorities 
Were at that day. 

We have given a brief sketch of some of the views 
of this writer — whose whole article is well worth at 
tention from the keen philosophy of its research and 
spirit. We make the further suggestion that Sir 
Thomas Temple, when he told Charles the 2d that 
the flat and broad Pine Tree on the Colonial curren- 
cy was the "Boscobel" Oak, may really have believed 
it to be so, for this, the Colonial authorities may 
have told him was the case, concealing, however 
their motives for so doing. They would hardly have 
trusted Temple, as a Royal Governor, with their 
whole secret, and it is evident that Temple points to 
the coin of 1662 as illustrative of the loyalty of the 
Colonists, which coin was struck off to conciliate 
Charles, and lull bis jealousy to sleep. It appears 
as if Temple was somewhat used by the Colonial au- 
thorities, who were deep and wise enough to circum- 
vent Macchiavelli himself, though for wiser and bet- 
ter purposes. 

In further confirmation of the vi6ws of this writer, 
we may add that it is evident Massachusetts was re- 

ter 'part loss on it — the difference in exchange, 
— was adopted, so that foreign returns should 
not be made in Colonial coin, and in addition 
to t' is. no person was to take out more than 
20 shillings of it from the colony, on pain of 
the confiscation of his whole estate, and search- 
ers were appointed in every port of entrv, to 
see that this latter order was obeyed. The 
coin, however, naturally gravitated towards 
England as the centre of trade. 

Massachusetts still suffered from a scarcity 
of coin. The merchants, perhaps, did not 
lack, and held their coin all the more closely, 
on account of its general scarcity, and the 
power which the possession of ready money 
gave them. Contracts for money, corn, cat- 
tle or fish, were by law in 1654 to be paid in 
kind or a kindred variety. This law, howev- 
er, was repealed in *1670, and in 1672 our 

garded by her enemies as seeking independence after 
she hud apparently submitted on her coin in 1662 to 
the King, for J. Cui wine, in his letter on affairs of 
New England, 16P3 or 4, (Coll. Maine Hist. Soc, 
Vol 1, page 301,) says, that at a meeting of the 
New Englanders at the Exchange, in London, 
(where Curwine then was) "Mr. Mavericke said be- 
fore all the company, that New England were all 
rebels, and he would prove them so, and that he had 
given in to the Council so, &o." This was said in 
the presence of Col. Temple, who had been endeav- 
oring to enlist the King in favor of the Colonists, 
and, to judge from Curwiue's letter, in the presence 
also of Jeremiah Dummer, then the agent of Massa- 
chusetts in England. Mavericke understood the Col- 
onists thoroughly. He was not deceived by their 
professions, or their assumed innocency in continu- 
ing their coinage in 1662; but his wisdom availed 
little against the Colonists, for the Power which pro- 
tected them was not the King, but the King of 

*The General Court, in order to favor debtors, 
and perhaps as against foreign creditors, passed a 
law in 1669, which "shutt up Booke debts" in 3 
ypars — that is, outlawed them after that period. It 
was so strongly remonstrated against, and by native 
creditors, perhaps, that the time was extended three 
years more in 1672. Such laws show, however, the 
sufferings of the times. Massachusetts could not 
keep her own coin at home, nor the foreign coio 


General Court give a certain value to foreign 
coin, as compared with their own standard, so 
as to increase their specie circulation ; first 
affixing a peculiar stamp upon them, to show 
they were of the right alloy and value. In 
1080 a free mint was proposed in Massachu- 
setts— one in which no charge should be made 
to those sending bullion to be coined. It was 
not, however, adopted. It seems that at that 
time Massachusetts was coining but little mon- 
ey, and much of that was circulating in the 
Other Colonies. 

In 1685 our coin is said by the officers ot the 
English mint to be 22£ per cent lighter than 
that of England. Tiiey ask the King, if the 
Boston mint is continued, to compel its issues 
to be made of the standard (English) value. — 
They notice the fact that there was no altera- 
tion of date upon the issues of colonial coin — 
all appearing as the coinage of 1652 — a ruse of 
the authorities, perhaps, to blind the Home 
Government as to the fact of their still contin- 
uing to coin money after the date of 1652. 

As late as 1694 corn, wheat, rye, barley, 
malt, oats and peas were appointed by General 
Court as currency, and taken at certain pri- 
ces. Under the reign of Sir Edmund Andros 
the town of llingham paid her country rate 
in milk-pails. In 1688, January 1st, the 
treasury report states the treasury funds 

brought into the Colony. It went to pay foreign 
creditors, who would only of course take money. 
This drove the Colony into adopting produce as cur- 
rency. Massachusetts was much straitened by this 
policy — a policy which was gratifying however to 
the English merchants and manufacturers, as it 
kept the Colony poor, and therefore unable to com 
peie with the mother country in commerce or trade. 
This policy became still worse in its evil fruits after 
the loss of the charter, and the accession of William 
to the throne — for the English manufacturers and 
merchants had then far greater power than before 
over the Colony — in the first place indirectly through 
the new charter, and then directly through the 
English laws of trade. In regard to the causes and 
effects of the depreciated currency of Massachusetts, 
see Bancroft's Hist, of U. S., Vol. 3, pp. 103-4. 

to be ''Corn remaining unsold £938-11- 
1. Money £1340-10-3." In 1672 shoes as well 
ap grain passed in payment of debts in certain 
places. When grain, shoes, manufactures, 
&c, passed as currency, it seems to have been 
at times, with an abatement (in 1690 a third) 
and this shows the relative value of money in 
the old currency as a circulating medium. — 
In 1723 the products of trie land and the sea, 
which had been renewedly current at the treas- 
ury for taxes, had ceased to bo so received 
there, though again received some years a.ter- 

Our currency was divided in 1693 into i4 pay 
— money, pay as money, and trusting. Pay 
was grain, pork, beet, &c, at the prices set by 
General Court. Money was pieces of eight, 
ryals, (Spanish coin) Boston or Bay shillings 
or good hard money, as sometimes silver coin is 
called; also wampum, viz: Indian beads which 
serves as change. Pay as monay is provision 
aforesaid, one third cheaper than the Assem- 
bly set it, and trust, as they agree for the 
time." As an example of this the author 
gives the following : — '• Wh^n the buyer comes 
to ask for a commodity, sometimes before the 
merchant answers that he has it, he says, 'Is 
your pay ready ?' " Perhaps the chap replies 

■yes. J 

What do vou 

you pay in ? says the mer- 

chant. The buyer having answered, then the 
price is set ; as suppose he wants a 6d knife — 
in pay it is 12d ; in pay as money 8 J, and hard 
money its own value 61.'' By this it would ap- 
pear that purchasers in those days, paying 
with produce, paid a third more than even the 
legal rate of the currency. 

The Massachusetts mint ceased its operations 
about 1686 say, and was never permitted again 
to issue its money Our currency was then in 
a very poor state, nor was England herself ve- 
ry much better off in this respect. In 1695 
England established the Bank of England to 
regulate her monetary affiirs, which before that 
had been very distracted at times. Cromwell 
indeed had, with his customary energy, set 
about a reformation of the English currency, 
with a zeal kindred to that with which he had 


entered into civil reforms, and had introduced 
a skilful overseer from France to attend to the 
Coining at the English mint ; but from various 
causes his plans were not altogether successful, 
nor was it until William was seated on the 
throne, that the English currency began to be 
systematized, and a sense of security in mone- 
tary aff urs felt. In 1690 the General Court 
ordered an emission of £7000 in bills from 5s 
to £5. partly for the purpose of defence against 
the French and Indians, and partly as 'an ad- 
equate measure of commerce' owing to the 
'scarcity of money.' Here commenced the pa- 
per currency of Massachusetts, winch was con- 
tinued until about 1750. It was issued by the 
state, and regulated by law, under the charge 
of a committee. From this date (1G90) to 
1740 our currency seems to have been a mixture 
of tne new with the old currency, viz. Pine 
tree money, foreign coin, old charter hills, prov- 
ince bills and province productions. Gunpow- 
der was one item to bo received at the treasu- 

As Massachusetts was obliged to pay her 
quota of troops in the Canadian wars, she 
emitted so much paper money through that 
cause, and her desire to afford a circulating 
medium for her trade, that her paper money 
depreciated greatly, and caused much suffer- 
ing, as debts were legally paid in the deprecia- 
ted currency, instead of silver. Like the con- 
tinental money of the Revolution, only on not 
so fatal a scale, the province hills kept on sink- 
ing. In 1700 the colonial pound is said by 
one authority to have been worth $2 96 of our 
money— in 1727, $1 .48 ; 1734, 91 cents ; 1738, 
78 cents, and depreciated finally to 'old tenor' 
money, worth only a tenth of the pound ster- 
ling. In 1700 two shillings in money (coin) 
was worth three shilling* in pay (produce) . 

The paper money of Massachusetts was di- 
vided after 1737 into *01d and *New Tenor. 

*Ihe names Old Tenor and New Teno~ were not 
given with reference to their dates but the conditions 
Contained in thorn. The old tenor bills were origi- 
nally intended to bo received in payment of all taxes 

The old tenor dates from and includes the 
emission of £9000 in 1737, because the condi- 
tions of that emission were different from pre- 
ceding bills, inasmuch as they were to be re- 
ceived in all payments (import and tonnage 
dues and Light House incomes only excepted) 
the object being to supply the treasury with 
hard money by compelling cash to be paid 
for these excepted duties. As the old tenor bills 
by the same law ordering this £9000 new ten- 
or were not to be received at the treasury in 
payment of the excepted duties, though origi- 
nally issued and ordered to be taken for all 
taxes, thev fell in value even below the dis- 
count standard that government appointed for 
them. Though the government's standard of 
the new tenor was at one for three of the old 
tenor, they were really valued as one for four, 
and only passed at that. 

The emission of paper money in Massachu- 
setts sometimes without certain provision for 
its redemption — the drains upon her for her 
troops in the Canada wars — the scarcity of 
coin — the influx of the paper of neighboring 

— the new for all taxes excepting certain treasury 
dues, the obje3t being to collect m~>ney in the treasu- 
ry to redeem the bills issued by the government. — 
The old tenor bills prior to 1737 were in this respect 
placed that year on the same footing as the new ten- 
or of 1737, though originally issued to be taken in 
payment of any and all taxes. At this the mer- 
chants bitterly complained, and with justice. 

The new tenor bills of 1737 — the first — were after- 
wards called middle te.nir, because in 1710 there was 
a fresh issue of old tenor as well as now tenor bills. 
In 1712, by law, £4 old tenor, or 26s 81 middle tenor 
was equal to 20s, and so pro rata of the last form 
arid tenor (the issue of 1710, we presume.) In 1740 
£03 Massachusetts paper currency were only equiva- 
lent to one pound sterling of England. The condi- 
tion of things then was, as a consequence, "an emp- 
ty treasury, a defenceless c ountry, and embarrassed 
trade." This continued until coin was introduced in- 
to Massachusetts more abundantly, and a stricter at- 
tention also pai d to the public credit. In 1750, the 
old piper curr ency seems to have been swept away, 
as well as numerous schemes also for swindling the 
public by fraudulent or irresponsible issues of paper 


colonies — some of it private and entirely irre- 
sponsible — all served to add to the monetary 
confusion in Massachusetts. In 1735 colonial 
taxes were permitted to be paid in *hemp, 
# flax and bar iron. The emissions and re-emis- 

*In a note to page 72. No. 2, Vol. 1, of this mag 
azine, it was stated that Hemp and Flax were native 
products of Massachusetts, and this may induce some 
to inler that the Hemp and Flax cultivated in Mas- 
sachusetts were the natural products of that name. 
The present mention of these articles enables us lo 
correct such inferences, as also a mistake concerning 
Flax, which does not, on closer examination, appear 
to have been a native product of the State, though 
there was a native plant called Hemp, which the 
Legislature in 1641 describe as "growing all over 
the country," and which they require masters to in- 
struct their children and servants to work on. The 
subjoined valuable note from Prof. John Lewis Rus- 
sell, throws much light upon these topics, as well as 
on the subjects mentioned in the various notes on 
pages 71 and 72, and the concluding note on page 76 
of the same No. We are happy to give the whole 
note, first stating that we have corrected the error 
concerning the Flax, to which our attention was ear- 
ly called by the Professor. On asking him his opin- 
ion on all these topics, he kindly sent us the follow- 
ing note: 

22 Lafayette Street, Aug. 15, 1859. 

Mr. Chever. — What I deemed an error was in 
calling flax and hemp "native products of New Eng 
land," and in jour saying in note "hemp grew wild 
in Massachusetts."' 

I cannot conjecture what "flax" could have been 
at so early a period as I(j29. It could scarcely have 
been raised as a field crop, at l^ast sufficient for ex- 
port. "Flax" ( Linum usitatissimum) is an European 
plant, and we have no "native" species fit for flax 
thread. Some of our species of Asclepias or milk- 
weeds, have tough, soft fibres, and may have been 
called flax on that account. 

The hemp now cultivated for cordage &c. is of 
Asiatic origin. It is the Cannabis sativa We have 
however, another quite different plant in Apocynum 
cannabinum, which affords a very tough fibre, and 
probably was the Indian hemp (so called now,) fiom 
which the "Indians inade fishing lines,'' according 
to Lewis. And perhaps the same plant was then 
both the "flax and hemp," after all. 

In regard to Yucca filamentosa being the silk 
grass, I merely wished to state, that the name silk- 
grass is applied to the Yucca by Elliott in his Sketch 
of the Botany of South Carolina and Georgia; but 
the Yucca is a Southern and Western plant, growing 
no nearer New England than Kentucky at the lea^t. 

"Jamaica Sarsaparilla" is the veritable root of 
medicine, and is identical with that from the Span- 


sjons of Massachusetts from 1702 to 1740 are 
said to have amounted to £1,132,500 on funda 
of taxes, and £310.000 on loans, and that 
£230.000 were still oufrtanding in 1740. The 
grievances of this period in commerce and 
trade — the various schemes for remedying 
these evils — the frauds, hardships, distresses of 
such a state of things, are minutely detailed 
in Felt's account of the Massachusetts currency 
— a work of much original research, and 
which we have freely used in this rough sketch 
of our old currency, and have also con- 
sulted the Colony llec. & Laws to some extent, 
[laminate's account of the revenues of the 
Ipswich Grammar School (5 vol. N. E. Hist. 
& Gen. Register,) Humphrey's Coin Collec- 
tor's Manual, one or two Encyclopedias, and 
various valuable English and American works 
in the possession of Matthew A Stickney.Esq., 
of Salem, whose information in this matter is 
widely known, and whose kindness to us we 
are very happy to acknowledge. 

In the days when our Fathers began their 
commercial career in this New World, the 
geographical knowledge of the age, like its 
scientific, was not free from various errors 
and absurdities. Not a little that went forth, 
from grave authorities on geography and sci- 
ence, was based on fancy, rather than fact. Phi- 
losophy, at that period, was not altogether free 
from the astrology and alchemy of the middle 
ages ; and some of their quaint terms yet lin- 
gered, like the shades of departing Night, in 
the vales and -sequestered" haunts of contempla- 
tive Science. It was then commonly believed 
even by the savans, that the magnet held "in 
its du^ky entrails'' an attractive power, by 

ish Main. It is a Stnilax, 

tropical regions. We have 
our woods the New Englani 
by native siniplers and root 
really of very little efficacy 
possess a very pleasant flavo 
Dr. Darlington says of both 
nocent medicines, provided hi 
{Flora ("estrica, 2d Ed , p 
practitioners attribute much 
of the true sorts, notwitt sta 
Yours, Ac. 

such a? is found only in 
in Aralia uiedicinalis of 

Sarsaparilla, considered 
-doctors as valuable, but 

its long, fibrous roots 
r. nut that is all; though 
kinds that hey are "in- 
e disease be not serious." 

109.) Toe European 

virtue to the products 



which the veins of all kinds of mines (saving 
perhaps iron) could be traced. It was still 
regarded as a "mirror of Philosophy," and it 
was a general belief among the unlearned that 
to rub it with onion or garlic would destroy 
its efficiency. These and kindred fantasies 
befogged the visions of men, who were explor- 
ing the unknown in space, nor were they dis- 
sipated, until men began to observe the facts 
of nature and science, and deduce theories from 
facts— 'not facts from theories. 

In Geography, even as late as 1719, amusing 
and strange were the errors gravely promulga- 
ted in learned works and treatises. We have 
before us a work called "Geography Anar.o- 
mis'd or, The Geographical Grammar ; being 
a Short and Exact Analysis of the whole Body 
of modern Geography, &c." — "By Pat Gordon, 
M. A. F. R. S." In this treatise, published 
in London, 1719, and which was "The Eighth 
edition, corrected, and somewhat enlarged,'' 
Gordon gravely tells us (when speaking of the 
rarities of Newfoundland,) that upon the Bank 
of that name, "So thick do these Fishes (Cod 
and Poor John): sometimes swarm upon this 
Bank, that they retard the Passage of ships 
sailing over the same. " Speaking of the rari- 
ties of New England, (which he gets perhaps 
from Josselyn) he thus discourses — "of many 
rare Birds in New England, the most remark- 
able are the Troculus, and that called the 
Humming Bird. The former of these (being 
about the bigness of a swallow) is observable 
for three things: First, Having very short 
Legs, and hardly able to support himself, Na- 
ture hath provided him with sharp-pointed 
Feathers in his wings; by darting of which 
into the wall of a houso, he sticks fast and 
rests securely. Secondly, the manner of his 
nest, which ho useth to build (as swallows) in 
the Tops of Chimneys, but of such a Fashion, 
that it hangs down about a yard long. Last- 
ly, Such Birds are remarkable for their Cere- 
mony at departing; it being always observed, 
that when they remove, they never fail to 
leave one of their Young behind in the Room 
where they have nested, making thereby (as 

t'were) a grateful Acknowledgment to the 
Landlord for their Summer's Lodging.'' 

According to the same authority, one of the 
commodities exported from New Jersey, is 
"Monkey-skins,'' and from Carolina, "Leop- 
ard-skins," though in justice to Gordon, we 
cannot believe that he actually meanr the skins 
of animals exactly similar to those of the same 
name found in the East Indies. 

California, he makes out to be an island, a 
fact settled by late discoveries. As he evi- 
dently has in his vision the Gulf of California 
as a Sound, his error is not so important. In 
describing Florida, however, he takes a tale of 
horror from Purchas, who describes a certain 
tree as growing in that country about the size 
of an ordinary apple tree, with so strong a 
poison in it, "that if a few handfulls of its 
leaves are bruised and thrown into a large 
pond of standing-water, all sorts of Beasts 
that happen to come and drink thereof, do 
suddenly swell and burst asunder." Marvel- 
lous as this story is, he tells one far more mar- 
vellous concerning the Desert of Punas in 
Peru, and as it would appear on the authori- 
ty of one J. Acosta, who wrote a work on the 
natural and moral History of the Indies. Says 
Gordon — "Many Travellers endeavoring to 
pass over the Dasart of Punas, have been be- 
numb'd on a sudden, and fall'n down dead ; 
which makes that way wholly neglected of 
late.'' In Chili, he speaks of another "Rari- 
ty" called, in Peruvian dialect, Cunter, (Con- 
dor) a "very remarkable bird," "of a prodigi- 
ous size, and extremely ravenous. He fre- 
quently sets upon a sheep or calf — "and not 
only kills, but is also able to eat up one of 'em 
entirely. Two of 'em will dare to assault a 
Cow or Bull, and usually master them. The 
Inhabitants of this country are not free from 
such attempts ; but Nature hath so ordered, 
that this destructive creature is very rare, the 
whole Country affording only a very small 
number, otherwise not tube inhabited." This 
marvellous story he gets too from Acosta. 

In Gordon's descriptions of the West Indies, 
and adjoining Terra Fir ma, are some rare sto- 


ries, but time will not permit us to dwell 
upon them. We will mention only that truly 
wonderful fish found in the rivers of (Dutch) 
Guiana, which he describes as "a certain lit- 
tle fish about the bigness of a smelt, and re- 
markable for having four eyes, two on each 
side, one above the other ; and in swimming 
'tis observed to keep the uppermost two above, 
and the other two under water.'' — Such won- 
derful stories greeted our Fathers in print as 
late as 1719, in a work published by a learned 
man, not desirous of deceiving, and who dedi- 
cated his work to no less a functionary than 
Thomas, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. — 
And if such stories as these were believed by 
the learned — what imaginations, fantasies, 
credulities and exaggerations may not have 
haunted the minds of the more ignorant mari- 
ners, who, with a bold timidity, explored the 
shores and islands of a new world then actual- 
ly teeming with novelties, and yet still more 
abounding with imaginative mysteries? 

There remain unfortunately too few accounts 
of the voyages of our earliest commercial fath- 
ers. What they saw, what they heard, mainly 
died with them, or were left to papers or tra 
ditions, which are now mostly extinct. We 
can believe that they too shared the errors that 
then existed, and were haunted, too, by those 
mysteries which brooded over the new world, 
then so lately discovered. The fertility, the 
luxury, the beauty of the more southern shores 
of North America, and particularly of those 
islands which lie scattered between Florida 
and the northern shore of South America, 
were then almost in their original freshness 
and virgin prime. The mariner, wandering 
along the southern shores of the continent, or 
through the charming maze of those tropical 
isles, saw strange sights by the lonely shores, 
and scented strange and yet fragrant odors 
gently wafted from out the forests oppressed 
with perfume — the invisible essence and spirit 
ot the flowers, gently forced by the almost as 
gentle wind to come forth, and tell the mod- 
est tale of their fragrant worth. Some fair 
native, bathing by some lonely cave or rock 

by these lonely seas, and, in the simplicity and 
purity of nature, became perchance to these 
imaginative voyagers the veritable mermaid of 
old, who, half fish and half woman, disported 
in the depths of the sea, and combed her yel- 
low locks on the scattered rocks amid the 
foaming and ever restless sea ; and who, like 
the syren of eld, was of wondrous and yet fa- 
tal beauty, and like that charmer, too, lured 
the mariner, who was beguiled by her, to a 
certain though pleasing drstruction. 

Those mariners, too, had seen perhaps the 
veritable Merman, who was so accustomed to 
sun himself on Diamond Ruck, off the coast of 
Martinico, and had been approached so near, 
that he had actually been heard to blow his 
nose ! Mermen and Mermaids had been 
caught in Europe and off the coast of Mada- 
gascar, and their existence and identity had 
been solemnly established by credible witness- 
es ; and why should not our fathers have seen 
them among the beautiful Isles of the West 
Indian Archipelago? Were they not fitting 
haunts for the men and women of the sea? 
They saw, too, perhaps, the troubled ghosts of 
the mariners, who in those seas, so soft and so 
azure, had perished by the piratical Bucca- 
neer, and so haunted the sea and shore which 
their life blood had dyed. They had seen, 
too, perchance, and with the horrid chill of 
fear, that mysterious ship, seen in so many 
oceans, and by so many generations of mari- 
ners, — wrapt in perpetual flames — a burning 
yet phantom ship — and wondered why, for 
what cause, that craft should drive before ev- 
ery wind in every sea, given over to the unen- 
durable yet eternal agony of fire. What aw- 
ful crime had been committed upon her decks, 
or by the lost mariners who sailed within her, 
that nevermore shou'd she seek a haven or a 
harbor ; but, lit up by fires kindled not by 
earthly hands, and not of earthly kind, she 
should drive forth upon the sea, now blazing 
dim and lurid amid the storm and the dark- 
ness, and now, as in a sheeted auroral flame 
under the light of the wan and ghastly moon ? 
No human being could board her decks ; no 


human hands relieve the souls, if aught there j at times breathe tales of terror and mystery 
were, who sailed in that ship of fire. Cut off j t > the keen and watchful ear ? 

from the world below, as from the heaven 
above, they were to drift— drift on — until the 
world itself should roar and melt in final flame. 
Was this ship an imagination — looming up, 
n )t on the horizon of the visible sense, but on 
that of the invisible spirit — a spectral shape 
projected forth and painted on the imagina- 
tion by the creative fear of man — or a spiritual 
verity, floating as a solemn and awful warning 
over the sea of time, with its flaming doom of 
guilt, to awe into virtue each sinning, sea-far- 
ing soul ? On the broad and all but illimita- 
ble ocean, crime had a fearful power and lim- 
itless sway. The deeds of darkness, and wick- 
edness, and blood, which could be done on the 
ever silent and solitary sea — seen by no eye 
save that of Omniscience — heard by no ear save 
that of Omnipresence — under no judge save 
the Omnipotent, — these deeds, we say, could 
only receive their punishment at the hands of 
God himself — the Great Invisible, — >and these 
crimes, so vast, so solitary, so free of human 
jurisdiction and control, could alone be reach- 
ed by spiritual means, and by spiritual tor- 
ments : and hence the great criminals of the 
sea, in the belief of the seamen of all ages, are 
to expiate their crimes on the spot of their ori 
gin, by those torments which alone can reach 
them, and in the terrible isolation and loneli- 
ness of the wastes of ocean, cut off too hope- 
lessly from all human sympathy, wii"h no com 
panionship but the dreary unsocial sea, lone- 
ly even in the brightest sunshine, and desolate 
and awful indeed when the terror of the storm 
and night is upon it. 

What more terrible fate indeed could be 
given the wicked, who have roamed over it, 
and how awful the real or fancied sight of 
their torments upon it — so fitting too with the 
time and the place — the realities and the mys- 
teries of the lonely aud mysterious sea -which 
has hidden in the impenetrable reserve of its 
depths those tales — to which the creations ol 
fancy are but as the merest imaginations be- 
eido eternal verities — and whoso very winds 

Some of these mariners of New England, in 
their adventurous search may have traded too 
with those outlaws of mankind, the Bucca- 
neers, perhaps ventured into their very dens, at 
Tortuga and St. Domingo, and heard from 
them rare stories of the Spanish Main, or des- 
perate adventure against the wealthy Spanish 
galleons. They may have eaten with them 
their roasted ox. the peculiar cooking of which 
is said to have given them their name, and 
then departed in friendly peace. They saw 
too perhaps the fast fading remnants of the 
inoffensive Indians of Cuba, or the savage and 
cannibal Carrib of the Leeward Group. Where- 
ever they travelled or gazed among desolate 
keys, or cloudy green isles, they saw many 
strange verities, and perhaps yet more strange 
creations of the plotting: brain, all magnified 
and of marvellous guise as seen through the 
half luminous ignorance of the age. 

Those adventurous yet simple mariners of 
ol I had some faiths and also some credulities, 
and the latter took a sea-turn, and made them 
sea-bigots, at times, instead of land ones. 
Those, too, who, in those days, innovated upon 
the beliefs of the sea, fared but little better 
than those who assailed the ancient beliefs of 
the land. lie, who scouted the existence ot 
the Flying Dutchman, was akin to him who 
disbelieved the Flying Witches, broomsticks 
and all. The sea had its mysteries as had the 
land, and the Phantom Ship filled with its 
awful shadows — the spiritual forms of those 
desp tiring and lost mariners, bound like the 
sea everywhere and yet nowhere, in an eternal 
unquiet and restlessness for their sins and crimes 
— that ship — those forms were as real, as visi- 
ble, as those unearthly and mysterious visitants 
who tormented our fathers, with every spirit- 
ual and temp >ral torment, in the awful days of 
1092. It took, indeed, a more fatal turn upon 
the land, for the living had to bear the odium 
and hatred of the Demoniac sin and shame ; 
but it was the same belief under a different 
form, passing, however, upon land into a ter- 


rible revenge upon the living. Still the land 
belief was akin to that very belief of the sea, 
which saw at times in horror, and with every 
particular hair on end, that Phantom Ship — 
spectral and shadowy — that seemed indeed to 
have been 

"Built in the Eclipse and rigged with curses dark," 
and which, perhaps ominous of evil, could be 
saen at timen sailing in the dim twilight to- 
wards the midst of the lowering tempest clouds, 
and after the sunken moon ; or passing in 
dangerous proximity, and unearthly speed, and 
under a press of canvass even before the very 
strength and fury of the gale, while from her 
deck peered out those faces, which once seen, 
could never be forgotten. 

It was not often that the mysteries of the sea 
clothed themselves in pleasing and mirth pro- 
voking merry forms. Even the pleasing Mer- 
maid lured to destruction. The mariner, who 
became fatally beguiled by her beauty, jump- 
ed into the sea, not to be received into her 
arms, but to sink into the dark depths, lost, 
forever lost, without even the reward of his 
folly and crime. The sea — so solemn, so vast, 
SO sad, so treacherous in calms, so fearful and 
destructive in storms, so full of dangers and 
deceits, so suggestive of the infinite, the lonely, 
desolate, grand and sublime — gave birth main- 
ly to imaginations kindred to its own solitary 
sublimity — and hence the visions, the tales — 
the mysteries of the sea were often shrouded 
in the drapery of gloom — were sad as is the 
wail of the tempest, mysterious as is the vast 
heaving ocean itself — suggestive of the wild 
license, untamable power, fierce passions, and 
remorseless deeds of the sea around — which 
knew no compassion for human misfortunes, 
and under all moods and at all times was deaf, 
and blind, and reckless, and merciless as 
Fate. So the imaginations of the sea became 
earnest, and serious, and sad, as if reflected 
from the great verity itself, whose waters 
washed the shores of all climes, and with 
equal indifference to all, and kept in its dark 
bosom the crimes of all the people, which, 
from the birth of man, have been by or upon 


it, and which have stained the salt purity of 
its waves. 

These, and kindred mysteries of the sea, 
were in full force in the early day, and tinged 
the mariner's life with their sombre, yet un- 
real romance. Indeed, they linger yet — for 
the unrealities of time are the mo9t real and 
enduring, whether they be for good or evil. 
What the spiritual in man (whether that spir- 
ituality be good or evil) can see, is in no man's 
province to say. What may be the great 
mysteries around us, who, indeed, can tell ? 
The good and the evil alike see the invisible ; 
the good, that which is good, tho' heavenly and 
unseen, and the evil, the spectral and unearth- 
ly, though shrouded from other eyes in merci- 
ful darkness. The excited, the morbid, the 
fearful vision of man sees, at all events, what 
it creates, and may see even those terrible un- 
realities which are but too real. Fear sees 
strange sights and hears strange sounds. So 
does despair, and so does faith. So indeed 
does credulity, into which fear enters with 
large license, aud both fear and faith see with 
telescopic vision, resolving the far off nebula 
of mystery into the distinctness of shape and 

But those mariners of old saw too not alone 
the mysteries which haunt the sea, but the 
beautiful and sensuous realities of tropic lands. 
Trading, as was their wont, amid the West In- 
dian Archipelago, with its various star like 
clusters of islands, floating on the almost ethe- 
rial azure of that sea, and clad with eternal 
green, with flowering vines of exquisite beauty, 
even upon their very brinks ; and cedars, and 
lofty and graceful palms waving far above, 
and bright hued birds flitting from bough to 
bough, in colors no art could equal or imitate ; 
those mariners of old saw these with almost a 
child-like wonder, and in vivid contrast with 
the sober sternness and temperate hues of the 
northern clime. The lands of the orange, 
the lime, the pomegranate, the papaya, 
the mamey, the zapote, the mango, the 
pine apple, the citron, the banana, the 
fig-tree, lay before them. The cedar, the 


palm, the calibash, the manchineel, aDd cab- 
bage tree, waved over them. Th9 giant ma- 
hogany, the lignum vitae, the iron wood, 
stood in almost imperishable strength, and 
towered in the tropical airs. The gigantic 
Quiebra Hacha, with its ambitious and 
giant parasite, the Bejuco, that Anaconda of 
vines, the lofty cotton tree, with its enormous 
shaft, covered with vines, and filled with colo- 
nies of birds, insects, and animals — the odorif- 
erous gum trees and shrubs, the splendid va- 
rieties of parasites, the flowering vines, rich in 
all the colors of the tropics, — these met their 
eyes and excited their curiosity as they have 
those o the generations since. Beneath the 
■waters played the parrot fish, snappers, gray 
cavallos, tertunes, crawfish and mullet, and 
above them the turtle, dear to appetite and 
luxury. By the reefs they saw those planta- 
tions and fields of the coral, filled with the 
living plants and flowers of the sea — yellow, 
and crimson, and scarlet and purple — among 
whose betiding boughs and sea-lifted leaves? 
green, and red, and grey fish were darting, and 

"The purple mullet and gold fish rove." 
Our fathers saw, as we see, the *poetry of 
the sea in these gardens of the deep — for the 
sea hath its gardens, as hath the land — and 
many a New England home could show boughs 
and branches of coral, plucked from the wide, 
beautiful and abundant gardens of the deep, 
and suggestive, even in their silent and frag- 
mentary fate, of the beauties, the wonders, the 
mysteries of the sea. With them, too, came 
strange tales of mermen and mermaids disport- 
ing in those gardens; 

"Where the sea-flower spreads its leaves of blue, 
That never are wet with the falling dew, 
But in brigh' and changeful beauty shine, 
Far down in the green and glassy brine. 

* The Salem mariners had a prose and practical, as 
well as poetical side to their character, since, in the 
earlier days of tbeir commerce, they brought Coral 
from the West Indies both as ballast, and to burn for 
lime— then much needed and only obtained from 
burning sea-shells found on our coasts — before lime- 
Stone bad been discovered in these parts. 

The floor is of sand, like the mountain drift, 

And the pearl shells spangle the flinty snow; 

From coral rocks the sea-plants lift 

Their boughs where the tides and billows flow; 

The water is calui and still below, 

For the winds and waves are absent there, 

And the sands are blight as the stars that glow 

In the motionless fields ot upper air; 

There with its waving blade of green, 

The sea-flag streams through the silent water, 

And the cruns<»n leaf of the dulse is seen 

To blush like a banner bithed in slaughter; 

There — with a light and easy motion — 

The Fan-Coral sweeps through the clear, deep sea, 

And the scarlet and crimson tults of ocean 

Are bending like corn on the upland lea!" 

The land, too, had its sights. The grim 
alligator, the scarlet flamingo, the host of 
beautiful parrots, the glittering humming 
bird, the brilliant yet changeable gobemouche, 
the nimble monkey, with numberless troops 
of brilliant bird?., bright colored serpents, 
beautiful sea and land crabs, and strange 
quadrupeds, met there their eyes, as they may 
have ours, only perchance as greater wonders. 
They had felt the fury of the tropical hurri- 
canes, and revelled in the glory of the tropi- 
cal summer. Wafted in and through these gen- 
tle summer seas, they, too, saw and felt the 
surpassing beauty of the tropicd nights, when 
the moon is as a silver sun, and though she be 
absent, yet the Milky Way, or Venus, in all 
her glory, sheds a kindred lustre, unknown in 
Northern skies. They, too, wondered at those 
brilliant meteors of the air, the lightning Can- 
tharides or the Cayouyous (Flies) and Cucul- 
los, which at night flitted over the savannahs 
of these isles, and which good honest Gordon 
speaks of as giving ;, a mighty lustre in the 
night-time while they fly.*' They had visited 
old Port Royal, Jamaica, and seen its unri- 
valled luxury and crime, and some of them 
perchance were there at its fearful doom — 
that city by the sea, which was the haunt of 
the Buccaneer, and every unlawful, unhal- 
lowed trader, and which, as in an instant, was 
swallowed up forever in the angry waves — and 
over whose very houses and streets the mari- 
ner now floats into modern Kingston. Some 
of them, too, may have found in these lands, so 
luxuriant, yet at times so deadly, their last 


rest, smitten by t u e pestilence, which walketh 
in darkness and wasteth at noon day through 
these beautiful isles, though they be fanned by 
airs of balm, though fragrant with orange and 
citron blooms, and shaded with the soft sway- 
ing palia into luxurious quiet and repose. 

And these scones, — which must be seen to 
be known, — with all their indescribable de 
lights, were doubtless doubly delicious to our 
fathers, after having traversed the sea, not as 
with our certainty and speed, but with many 
an imperfect rule and chart, and under risks, 
which will never more be run. Well content- 
ed, perhaps, to be not more than a hundred 
miles out of their true longitude, and not al- 
ways exact in their latitude, they must have 
felt, when the harbor was won, a sense of re- 
lief, more keen perhaps than the modern mari- 
ner is ever wont to feel. Not alone for them had 
the sea its ordinary dangers, but the license of 
the sea was greater then than now, and the 
Pirates under the guise of law were then far 
more to be dreaded than the open defiant out- 
law of more modern days. Oppressed with ig- 
norance, beset with dangers, and in craft that 
would now be scouted irom our commer- 
cial enterprise, they still ploughed the ocean 
with adventurous keels, and have left us many 
a brave example of what the mind may plan 
and the heart may dare in the pursuit of hon- 
est gain. Honor to them is honor to all the 
brave commercial spirits whether of the Past 
or Present, and even a welcome and encourage- 
ment to those of the Future. 

"We ought not to omit, in closing this gene- 
ral sketch of the commerce of Salem from 1626 
to 1740, some more particular notice of the 
dangers and difficulties which were attendant 
on our early navigation. These we gather 
mainly from old nautical works. When our fa- 
thers ran their little sloops, ketches and brig- 
antines (of from 20 to 40 or 60 tons burthen) 
to England, Euiope and the West Indies, they 
had to compute their longitude by the run of 
the ship — or by lunar observations with the 

imperfect *hooks, methods and tables then ex- 
tant, or by charts marked with the variations 
of the needle — all imperfect, and practicably 
unreliable. The loss of Sir Cloudenly Shovel 
and his fleet, through ignorance of the true 
longitude, roused the Engli.-h government to 
attempt to improve and perfect navigation by 
the discovery of some reliable method of deter- 
mining longitude at sea, and in 1714 a reward 
of £20,000 was offered for its certain determi- 
nation within 30 miles— £15,000 for 40 and 
£10,000 for 60 miles— the government being 
willing to offer a partial reward even for its 
determination within 80 geographical miles of 
dangerous coasts. It was not until 1764 and 
1774 that Harrison convinced the English gov- 
ernment that his chronometer w r atch was a re- 
liable time keeper, though in 1761 it had only 
made an error of 28 miles in a voyage to Ja- 
maica and back to England. It was not until 
the close of the last century, to judge hy nau- 
tical works, that the discovery of longitude by 
lunar observations al^o became of practical 
use. An old sea captain, now in his90th year, 
and who commenced his sea life in 1788, in- 
forms us that longitude was obtained by our 
New England craft from then, up to the time 
Dr. Bowditch introduced the lunar method, 
(about 1800) by dead reckoning — that is the 
measured run of the ship; and mistakes of 
haifa degree, or a whole degree, and even 
more, were common. No certainty within a 
hundred milts could be obtained on long voya- 
ges. The chronometer, he informs us is compar- 
atively a modern instrument, so far as a prac- 

*As a specimen of the old works of navigation, 
there can be found in the Essex Institute a volume 
of Sellers' (John) Practical Navigation, printed in 
1676. Seller was Hydrographer to the King. This 
was first the property of Philip English, and then 
was used successively by his sons William and John. 
In it can be found descriptions for the use of and di- 
agrams of the ancient Meridian Compass — Fore Staff 
Quadrant — Plough— Nocturnal, Ac, and it is well 
worth the passing attention of the modern navigator, 
so much more blessed by later and superior means of 


tical use of it is concerned— not having been 
in general use more than these last thirty 
or forty years. The dangers attendant up >n 
approaching coasts were thus vastly greater in 
old times than now, when any error in longi- 
tude would not ordinarily exceed probably ten 
miles. He informs us that a schooner he sail- 
ed in (1788) from Bilboa to Marblehead, and 
when near Marblehead, was only saved by one 
of the crew first seeing the rock named Satan, 
close to the bows, (there being a snow storm at 
fie time) and shouting out that fact lustily 
to the crew. The captain was thus for the 
first time aware of his true longitude on the 
coast ! 

Our fathers used for obtaining their latitude 
the instruments known as the cross-staff, and 
Davis's Quadrant — the latter the best instru- 
ment then extant, and yet not reliable itself 
when there was much motion to the vessel — 
In 1731 lladley brings forward a very superi- 
or Quairant (which was, however, inventid 
before him both by Sir Isaac Newton and God- 
fray of Philadelphia,) but this improvement 
probably did not come into general use before 
1730, if even as early as that. Take into the 
account, moreover, the absence of correct 
charts in the early day,— the presence of *pi- 

* From the settlement of the country to 1724 cer- 
tainly, our early commerce was subject to piracy. 
Tae Algerine and Tunisian pirates troubled our com- 
m:rce in the E lglish channel for several years, be- 
ginning from 1640, As early as 1632 English pirates 
came upon our coast. French privateers or pirates 
give us trouble occasionally, from 1645, onwards. 
The Indians to the southward, and northward espec- 
ially, gave us trouble until 1724, and even afterwards. 
French and Spanish vessels being or assuming to be 
privateers troubled our commerce from 1687 to 1725, 
and drove some of our vessels ashore. From 1684 
to l n 2o, particularly from 1684 to 1700, our com- 
merce was preyed upon by English pirates, and that 
too near our very shores. In 1722 our Salem Fort 
maintained a watch on account of a rumor of pirates 
being near the coast. In 1670 the General Court 
publish in Boston by beat of drum (27th May) a 
proclamation against a ship at the Isle of Shoals, sus- 
peotod of being a pirate, which ship does not come 

rates and freebooters on the ocean, and even 

under command and submit to the laws and harbor 
rules of the Colony, and prohibits her, her goods or 
I her company from coming into our jurisdiction, or 
' ports upon penalty of being seized, secured, &c. 

In 1673 piracy and mutiny were especially de- 
nounced by General Court, and made punL^hable by 
death. To judge by this order of the Court, piracy 
and mutiny were not uufrequent in our harbors and 
seas — the mutineers appealing to have risen upon 
their officers and seized the vessels for the sake of 
the plunder merely! 

In 1696 our General Court passed a law against 
pirates and privateers, stating in the Preamble that 
many persons had obtained licenses as privateers 
and that for the purpose of becoming pirates and 
preying on foreign friendly vessels. "The Booke of 
Kecordes for Masters, &c," a valuable record of the 
past, kindly pointed out to us by Ira J. Patch, Esq., 
(and found by him in our Essex County Court files,) 
1st vol. page 73, contains toe affidavits of Capt. 
Habbakuk Gardner, of Salem, commander of Ship 
F.-iendship, and Joseph Browne, one of the mariners, 
wherein they state that on a voyage to Antegua and 
the Leeward Islands, on the 13 March 1707-8 in 
latt. 17 10 North, a French Privateer captured 
them and carried them into Martinico — ship and 
cargo a total loss. 

In the same vol. Capt. John Shattock enters his 
protest against capture by Piiates. He sailed from 
Jamaica for New England, and on Oct. 3, 1719 in or 
about latt. 23 20 N. and in sight of Bohemia, 
otherwise Long Island, was captured by a "Pyrat" 
of 12 guns and 120 men, under the command of Capt. 
Charles Vain, who took him to Crooked Island (Ba< 
hamas) plundered him of various ar'icles — stripping 
the brig for what articles they wanted — abused some 
of his men, and finally let. him go. Coming, howev- 
er, on a winter's coast — his vessel stripped of needed 
sails — he was blown off to the West Indies, and did 
not arrive in Salem until the next Spring. 

As late as 1724 the Boston Gazette contains an ac- 
count of the capture of a sloop off Cape Ann by two 
pirates, (Nut and Phillips) and her capture by 
Andrew Harradxne and crew — the captured master 
and crew of the vessel. Harradint and his crew rose 
upon their captors, killed J\ut, his comrade, and the 
other officers, and brought the pirate crew into Bos- 
ton, and surrendered them to the authorities as pris- 
oners. In the West Indies, the Spanish, and on the 
coast of New Fouudland the French privateers, were 


very near home — the want of light-houses, 
(Boston light-hou.e being; first lit up only as 
late as 1716, Thatcher Island light house in 
1771, and Baker's Island light-house in 1798) 
— with the more clumsy hulls, spars, rigs, &c. 
of the olden time, and we shall have abundant 
reason for believing that modern ^navigation 
is vastly superior to and safer than the old, and 
be inclined also to give due credit to the enter- 
prise and courage of the old merchants and 
navigators, who in spite of these difficulties and 
dangers sought commercial success. Some of 
them felt indeed their dependence on a Higher 
Power, as (hey ploughed a thrice dangerous 
deep, and their journals and papers show that 
this is tru^. It made them, moreover, gene- 
rous, liberal and brave. Do the moderns sur- 
pass them as much in these respects, as they 
unquestionably do in all the other elements of 
knowledge, power and success ? 

at times formidable. The French, and the Indians' 
— instigated probably by the French — gave our com- 
merce, for a series ot years after 1G80, much trouble; 
— the French almost, destroying the fishing fleet of 
Salem, between 1689 and 1711. The "good old times" 
of commerce, as of other matters, is an error of the 
imagination — a perfect delusion, which investigation 
at once dissipates. 

For a circumstantial account of the capture of the 
pirates who captured the Ketch Mary off Half Way 
Kock in 1689, see tne 2d vol. N. E. Hist. & Gen. 
Regi.-ter, page 393. It is an instructive paper, as 
explanatory of the impudert boldness of these ancient 
outlaws, who, however, have been said to have had 
"friends at Court" in those days, which may account 
for their audacity. 

X Among other dangers attendant on the naviga- 
tion of the olden time, the absence of regular pilots 
was an important one. Our fishermen needed, it is 
true, no pilots for Salem Harbor, for they were well 
acquainted with the coast harbors, including, of 
course their own, and their ketches and sloops being 
seldom over 40 tons, did not draw, probably, more than 
from four to six feet. Larger vessels coming on to 
the coast, ran, of course, much more danger, especial- 
ly strange vessels, as there were no regular pilots. 
It was not until 1783, according to Felt, and after 
some heavy losses had been sustained for want of 

Here ends our general sketch of the com- 
merce of Salem up to 1740 -an imperfect ona 
we are aware, but still of some use perhaps to 
him who shall write the history of our Salem 
commerce at some future dav — a history, more- 
over, which well deserves to be written, and 
by the pen of an able and competent man. — 
There are, however, some reflections which are 
forced upon us in a review of our commerce 
even up to 1740, which we desire to state, but 
as briefly as we may. 

well regulated pilotage, that the General Court en 
acted that there should be two regular pilots for Sa- 
lem. Before that time, it appears as if pilotage here 
was only a chance and uncertain business, and pilots, 
of course, as chance and uncertain, By the inara- 
time code of 1668, any person undertaking the charge 
of "Pylot," and not being able to discharge his duty, 
was to lose his wages, in part, or in whole, and be 
further punished for his presumption as the judges 
"shall sec meete." Judging from this law, there 
were no regular professional pilots in Massachusetts 
at that date. 

Our fathers, so far as we can find, generally acted 
as their own pilots, and sometimes acted as Pilots for 
the English men-of war in their expeditions against 
the French to the northward, or on our coasts. 
Their method of navigation on sea voyages was, of 
course, a simple and rude science. It has been said 
that they sometimes ran their sloops and ketches to 
the West Indies by the bearing of the North Star, or 
other stars, and an amusing story is told (how true 
we know not) of one old sea captain, who was accus- 
tomed to take his bearings of the North Star through 
a hole made in a flag-staff on the stern, and was very 
skillful in his own original mode of navigation; but 
whose secret was discovered by a waggish mate, who 
cut off his flag-staff one night, and thus totally con- 
fused the old man's calculations and plans. The 
old way of navigation to the West Indies is said to 
have been— first to attempt to run down to the lati- 
tude of the Island sought, and then steer as directly 
East or West, as they could, on the line of Longitude. 
Their uncertainty as to their longitude was often very 
great and perplexing. 

With their small craft, however, they could readily 
run into the bays and creeks of the const harbors, 
and well understood between 1660 and '70, not alone 
their own immediate coasts, but those of Virginia and 
Maryland, into the intricacies of whose creeks and 
bays they pried with adventurous audacity. 


The Puritans began their settlement at Sa- 
lem upon the idea and basis of religious free- 
dom — a noble base, and the only true basis of 
government ; and it may be that their zeal for 
a while in this cause outran their discretion, 
as is apt to be the case with the pioneer and 
reformer. Commerce and civil government, 
as a result, were somewhat neglected. As 
soon, however, as the puritans saw their mis- 
take, they came back to the support of these 
matters, for there was a reason among these 
men, after all, which did not permit them to 
go far astray. They were, as a general rule, 
free from the extravagancies which marked the 
course of many of their puritan brethren then 
in Old England — that wild visionary spiritual 
democracy, culminating in the fifth monarchy 
men and millenarians. The puritans in New 
England were wiser — more liberal — the result, 
doubtless, of their more perfect freedom, both 
in religion and civil government. They res- 
pected Cromwell, and sympathised with him 
in his republican views, and the respect was 
mutual, but even him they kept at arm's 
length, mistrustful of King or Protector — jeal- 
ous of their liberties either in church or state 
— looking to independence of all powers un- 
der Heaven. If forced to yield, it was but 
for a time, and, as soon as they could, they over- 
threw the tyranny which oppressed them. — 
Their defects — the defects of their faith and 
policy — were not incurable, nor did they long 
continue. Like the clouds, they in time passed 
away, while their wisdom, like the sun, en- 
dured. These puritans, moreover, when they 
came back to right views in civil matters, car- 
ried the same idea of freedom, supported too 
by their religious faith, into commerce and 
government ; and the results were a noble lib- 
erality — a genuine wisdom in both. Into 
their legislation they carried many noble plans 
for the civil freedom and rights of men — a re- 
gard to justice — the love of learning, industry, 
prudence, liberty. Into their commerce they 
carried not only their industry, energy and 
6agacity, but they demanded there also greater 
liberties than the Old World ever knew. They 

became pioneers there too — the pioneers of 
unrestricted trade — the able and earnest sup- 
porters of the doctrine, that commerce is only 
to bear its just proportion of the burdens of 
government. They resisted the civil tyranny 
of England in trade, as they did her ecclesias- 
tical tyranny in the church. The banner they 
threw to the winds was "Liberty in Church — 
Liberty in State — Liberty in Trade" — and to 
the extent of their ability they maintained 
this creed, even in the face of haughty mother 
England, with the Savage, too, at their very 
doors, and his war-whoop ever and anon sound- 
ing in their ears. To the thoughtful student 
of history there is something noble and grand 
in the position oft times assumed by Massachu- 
setts in the hour of her trial, sore beset as she 
was, not alone by enemies, but by those spir- 
itual and temporal evils, which never try the 
worldly and base, but which purify the genu- 
ine and the good as by fire. Still she main- 
tained in that hour her noble independence. — 
She did not forget the sanctity of her origin — 
nor the power which alone can save. Having 
faith in Him — faith in whom is victory — she 
demanded of old, demands now, and wili ever 
demand, Liberty — Liberty for the soul ofman — 
Liberty for the mind of man — Liberty for the 
skill, the labor and the body of man ; — for 
with these liberties come all other prosperities, 
human or divine, and without them come only 
those licenses which give over men and uationa 
alike to temporal and eternal perdition. 

In making this general sketch of the com- 
merce of Salem up to 1740 we have consulted 
the Mass Hist. Collections — Colony Records 
— Local Records — Histories of England, Mass. 
and United States — Old Geographies — Felt's 
Annals of Salem (a work full of local items) 
—Old Nautical Works — Old Traditions, papers 
and letters. We return our thanks to Dr. H. 
Wheatland, H. M. Brooks, H. J. Pratt, H. F. 
King, I. J. Patch, Joseph Cloutman and M. A. 
Stickney, Esq's for fovors— also to Prof. John 
Lewis Russell. We are indebted to Felt for 
many items which we thus acknowledge. Af- 
ter a somewhat careful examination of various 


authorities, (including the eouiuiercial papers 
yet remaining in the English family,) we have 
been enabled to give a fuller sketch of the ear- 
ly commerce of Salem, than we had dared at 
first to hope for ; and will now endeavor to 
sketch the life and commercial pursuits of 
Philip English, one of the old Salem merchants, 
whose active business life extended from about 
1070 to about 1733 or 4, and who died shortly 
before 1740, the period at which we have clos- 
ed our remarks on the Commerce of Salem. 


Commerce of Salem before 1040. Though 
the commerce of Salem may be said to have be- 
gun about 1040, yet there seems to have been 
a commercial spirit stirring here previous to 
that, for even as early as 1038, the ship De- 
sire of Salem made a voyage to New Provi- 
dence and Tortuga, and returned laden with 
cotton, tobacco, salt and negroes, (slaves) the 
latter the first imported into N. E. This inhu^- 
man practice of making men slaves was subse- 
quently denounced, however, by our General 
Court. In 1039 the first importations of indi- 
go and sugar seem to have been made into 
New England In 1042 a Dutch ship exchan- 
ges a cargo of salt for plank and pipe staves 
in New England ; and the very next year 11 
vessels sailed from New England for the W. 
Indies, with lumber. This shows the rapid in- 
crease of our marine. It is most probable that 
before 1037 the Salem people began building 
large*dec"ked shallops, and perhaps also ketch- 
es for fishing and trading purposes — their craft 
not being then (as a general rule) larger than 
twenty or thirty tons burthen, if even that. 

Gov". Cradock. We find, on a particular 
examination ot the Colony Records, that 
though Gov. C. was never paid in person his 
claim against the Colony, yet that bis widow 
in 1070, and after various examinations of the 
claim by officers appointed by the General 
Court, was granted (through her third hus- 
band) a thousand acres of land, in considera- 
tion "of the great disbursements made by 

Mathew Cradock for the good of these planta- 
tions." In 1071 Mr. John Davenport ge'e a 
grant from the General Court of 500 acres, in 
consideiation that his father was an adventu- 
rer in the common stock, and was instrumen- 
tal in furthering of this plantation. This 
seems to indicate that the General Court then 
acknowledged a quasi proprietary right at 
least in those originally interested in the early 
common stock of the Colony to the soil of 

Proprietary Rights. In reference to the 
extinguishment of the Proprietary Rights of 
the Home Company in the soil of Massachu- 
setts — when did this take place? The origi- 
nal charter of James to the Plymouth Compa- 
ny granted the fee of New England to that 
company, as did also their grant to Sir Henry 
Rosewell and his associates, and as did also the 
confirmation of that grant to Rosewell and 
his associates by Charles the First. The char- 
ter gave not only the fee to the body politic 
and corporate to be called by the name of the 
Governor and Company of the Massachusetts 
Bay in New England, but gave them also pow- 
er to acquire lands. It gave the fee absolute- 
ly to the Patentees, their heirs and assigns, 
but with the permission also to join with them 
such freemen as they should choose into the 
Company. The charter, moreover, gave broad 
powers of government to the patentees, but 
never contemplated the erection of a Common- 
wealth, only a Corporation. 

The fee was not, moreover, to be held in 
Capite, [that is, as a tenancy in chief and di- 
rectly under the King — the moat honorable, 
but most burdensome of all the tenures,] nor 
by Knight Service, [a tenure held by personal, 
military or pecuniary services given the King 
— ofttimes a burdensome and expensive tenure,] 
but in free and common soccage, as of our ma- 
nor of East Greenwich in Kent, — which was 
most probably one mainly of homage and feal- 
ty, — the tenure in free soccage being a free 
and honorable one — the name soccage being 
derived, according to Bos worth, (Anglo Saxon 
Dictionary) from soc } which signifies "liberty, 


immunity, franchise, privilege, to minister 
justice or execute laws, jurisdiction," and the 
whole terra signifying a free and privileged 
tenure. Free Boccage was generally a tenure 
held by a certain determinate service, and not 
only a certain hut honorable one ; and really 
a more valuable one than the higher tenures, 
whose services were too often precarious and 
burdensome. It has been supposed to h^ve 
been a remnant of the old Saxon liberties. 

This tenure, moreover, granted the paten- 
tees, was of u higher order even than free soc- 
cage in general ; for the charter states that its 
privileges are granted without express mention 
of any certain yearly value (rent) made (to 
be pdid) for the premises. This proves the 
high order of the tenure under the patent. Jt 
was of the highest named order of free soccage 
— "as of our manor ol East Greenwich" — and 
this order was most probably the very highest, 
since Greenwich had been the residence of 
several ot the Kings and Queens of England. 
King Henry the 8th often made it his resi- 
dence, and Queens Mary and Elizabeth were 
born there. This is undoubtedly the same ma- 
nor which Charles describes as his in the 
charter, and the franchises belonging thereto 
were of a royal nature, of the freeest order, 
and the be^t adapted for the new Colony — be- 
ing doubtless the least aristocratic, and there- 
fore least burdensome, of all the English tenures. 

A* the fee, however, was given to Rosewell 
and his associates, their heirs and assigns, 
when shall we consider their proprietary rights 
as having ceased in the Colony ? It does not 
appear that they took the fee merely in trust 
for governmental and Colonial purposes, but 
as a corporation — as owners. The fee did af- 
ter a while, very probably at or before 1636, 
merge in or become the high and eminent do- 
main of government, whenever, in fact, the 
corporation became a commonwealth. Gov. 
Bradford in 1680 states that they (the Govern- 
ment) were obliged to grant land in fee to the 
early settlers, that they might not he discour* 
aged by not having land of their own. This 

precedent doubtless destroyed any feudal poli- 
cy of the patentees in Massachusetts, and per- 
haps practically extinguished the proprietary 
rights of the patentees, who then may have 
been in the old country. At all events, the 
transfer of the Patent operated (with or with- 
out a sale or release of the proprietors' rights 
— of which sale or release, however, we see no 
positive proof) to break up anv landed monop- 
oly and any feudal privileges or rights result- 
ing from the grant ; while the increase of ad- 
venturers in the common stock of the Colony, 
and freemen also, must soon have destroved 
the power of the original patentees. It was, 
moreover, the policy and interest of the pat- 
entees or proprietors here to conciliate new 
comers by granting lands in fee — which soon 
became the settled policy of the Colony. The 
civil troubles in England prohably did not 
much affect after all the rights of the proprie- 
tors, though the judgment pronounced indi- 
vidually against several of the company in 
England in 1635, on the '■'Quo Warranto" 
then brought against the company, may have 
been considered both in England and Massa- 
chusetts as a legal forfeiture of all the propri- 
etary rights of such patentees then being in 
England or in America. 

The original policy of the patentees was 
doubtless to grant land to the Colonists, not 
in fee, but by tenures which reserved certain 
rents to be paid by the grantees, who would 
thus become tenants under a species of perpet- 
ual lease, paying their rents therefor. It is 
evident that the company in London did not 
wish the Colonists in Massachusetts (unless 
they were joined with the patentees in the 
common stock of the company, and therefore 
associates) to hold their lands in fee, but by a 
lesser tenure — as tenants — simply paying 
'•some seruice certain days in the yearo, and 
by that seruice they and their posteritie after 
them to hold and inherite these (their) lands." 
This service was to be their rent, or its equiv- 
alent. For proof of this see the Company's 
letter to Gov. Endecott, quoted in Felt's An- 
nals, Vol. 1, p. 103. 


There seeuis, however, to he no conclusive 
evidence that the patentees desired that the 
Colony lands should be divided into counties, 
to be appor.ioned among themselves, again to 
be subdivided into lesser partitions ruled over 
by inferior offieers. Royalists like Gorges, 
and men of his class, might dream such 
dreams, but the patentees were probably wis- 
er, and seem throughout, both in the transfer 
of the patent, and their subsequent action un- 
der it, to have considered more the common 
weal of the colonists, and at least yielded wise- 
ly, where any feudal policy of the charter 
might have oppressed the Colonists. Coloniz- 
ing with religious liberty m view, they wisely 
rejected a worldly ambitious policy, and the 
consequence was, that any and all feudal 
traits in their charter soon disappeared. 

The proprietary rights of the original Pat 
entees may have disappeared in the same way 
— almost insensibly — becoming merged in the 
common weal of the Colony. The simple 
transfer ol the patent here did not extinguish 
such rights — that is legally. It must be, we 
think, alter all, the tact that the religious 
spirit and purpose of the settlement here—the 
wise and generous policy put in practice under 
the charter by the authorities in the Colony — 
together with the general liberty of the Colo- 
nists — that these causes all combined to merge 
the large proprietary rights to a great degree 
into a common weal for the people, and the 
patentees and their associates never attempted 
afterwards to disturb such a policy, or favored 
it — having a higher object in view than mere 
worldly ambition or avarice in the matter. 

Commerce under the Charter. 
In the preceding Article on our Salem 
Commerce, little has been said of commerce as 
affected by the charter. A note on this point 
may therefore be interesting. According to 
the charter itself, the intention of Charles ^the 
King) in establishing the Colony, was to win 
and incite the natives of the country to the 
knowledge and obedience of the only true God 
and Saviour of mankind, and the Christian 

faith, "which in our royal ialencon and the ad- 
venturer s\f'ree profession, is the principal I ende 
of this pi ant aeon.'" To this end the company 
of adventurors were authorized to erect them- 
selves into a corporation, with powers to mako 
all needed and wholesome laws, ''according to 
the course of our other corporacons in this our 
realme of England," and "bo so religiously, 
peacably and civilly governed," that "their 
goodc life and orderlie conversation" may win 
over the natives to the Christian faith. Very 
ample civil powers were given to these ends, — 
almost sufficient to justify the Puritans in any 
constructions they might be pleased to put up. 
on the charter. Admiralty powers seem to 
flow naturally from this charter : while its 
concluding provisions declare that the charter 
itself shall be construed, reputed and adjudged 
in all cases most favorably on the behalf and 
for the benefit of the Governor and company, 
and their successors, and this, though no ex- 
press mention of any certain yearly value 
(rent) bad been made (as to be paid the King) 
for the premises (lands under the patent.) and 
in spite of any act, rule or restraint to the 
contrary, or any other matter, cause or thirg 
to the contrary notwithstanding. These pow- 
ers and their construction were both ample 
and liberal, and it is not to be wondered at, 
that the Puritans, up to the loss of the charter 
in 1684, held it as a sacred instrument— full 
of grand and indispensable liberties. 

The early Puritans took all the liberties the 
charter gave, and some in addition. Charles 
contemplated (we may suppose) the establish- 
ment of an Episcopal Church and system in 
New England, and the Puritans established 
Congregationalism, and excluded Episcopacy. 
He granted a corporation, and they establish- 
ed a Commonwealth. The Puritans, moreover, 
by denying the right of appeal to the King, to- 
gether with the accusation made against them 
of aiming at sovereignty, finally roused the 
Monarch against them, as their church disci- 
pline had the Episcopal Church, and in 1G34 
the Archbishop of Canterbury and his associ- 


ates were made a special commission, with full 
power over the American plantations. These 
powers extended over the government, laws and 
the Church, and went even to the revoking of 
any charter surreptitiously ohtained, or whioh 
conceded liberties prejudicial to the royal pre- 
rogative. If our Colonial Charter is to be con- 
sidered as aimed at on the score of being sur- 
reptitiously ub'ained, it must be as having been 
obtained through legal and proper forms, but 
with a fraudulent intent — the main intents of 
the Charter being the conversion of the Indi- 
ans, and the establishment of a trading cor- 
poration, which intents the King may have 
considered as violated by the subsequent civil 
and religious acts of the Colonists, those acts 
having been in the intentions of the Colonists 
from the first ! 

The commercial privileges granted by the 
charter were ample for that day. In order 
that the Colony should be settled, permission 
was freely granted the Company to transport 
persons. ( vith but one exception,) arms, cloth- 
ing, animals, merchandise, &c, (including all 
needed articles) for seven years, free of duty, 
and were also to be free for 21 years (after the 
seven) ol all duties on imports from or exports 
to England, or English dominions, except 5 
pounds per cent, on goods and merchandise 
imported into England or English possessions. 
They were also permitted to export their goods 
or merchandise from England and English pos- 
sessions to foreign countries without paying 
any additional duty, if shipped from thence 
[England or English possessions] within thir- 
teen months after landing; and had six months 
time given to pay the half duty. Certain 
provisions (us exceptions) were made to pre- 
vent fraud — and the Patent or duplicate or 
an exemplification thereof, was to be consider- 
ed as proof of these privileges before any cus- 
tom or excise officers. The Colony was to be 
free from all taxes, subsidies, (pecuniary as- 
sistance to England) or Customs (Custom dues) . 
By the terms of the charter, moreover, the 
patentees and associates paid no rent to the 

King for the tenure of their land, and thus in 
fact (considering the other charter privileges) 
were placed upon a footing, (it was thought) 
but little short of independent sovereignty. 

The charter contained, .■ s will bo seen, the 
germ of the subsequent navigation laws of 
England, as it required the Colonial exports to 
seek English markets in the first instance and 
pay the mother country the duty, prior to ex- 
portation to foreign countries. This provision 
was not complied with. The Colonists, in 
fact, made themselves as independent of the 
charter in commercial as in civil matters. It 
is evident that they wisely considered that the 
charter was made for them, and not they for 
the charter. 

It ought to be said here that the Colonists, 
and the great lawyers of England looked at 
the powers conferred by the charter in a 
somewhat different light. The lawyers in 
England thought the charter was original- 
ly intended to be exercised in England, un- 
der the direct operation of the English courts 
and laws, that it conferred, therefore, and 
needed no admiralty powers*— had no authority 
to establish Courts for Probate of Wills, and 
Courts exercising power over the lives of the 
Colonists, &c. They thought the Colonists 
had usurped various powers, not originally 
given in the charter. When the agent of 
Mass. in England endeavored to save the char- 
ier, he was met with these objections, and 
though the lawyers there (the Crown officers) 
were for the continuance of the old charter, 
with various additional needed powers — 
that is, for continuing the old powers so granted 
with new powers — though Archbishop Tillot- 
son, and Bishop Burnet also favored this, 
yet the old, and newly demanded liberties of 
Mass, were destroyed by the Trade interest of 
England, which proved too strong for justice 
and liberty. Bishop Burnet said that he con- 
sidered that the charter granted to the paten- 
tees was a more sacred one than those given 
corporations in England, since the charter giv- 
en to the patentees was on condition of their 
enlarging the King's dominions— a thing they 


had done, and therefore the powers under the 
charter belonged of right to the Patentees, 
while the power usually granted corporations 
was a matter of yrace. It is evident that Til- 
lotson considered the charter as very different 
from that of an ordinary trading corporation. 
He looked at it in a religious point of view, 
and as one which ought to bo confirmed. 
His denunciations ol Laud in his conversations 
with Mather, the agent of Mass, seem to con- 
firm this view. (See Mass. Hist., 1st se- 
ries, Vol. 9, puges 273-4, and also same Vol. 
page 249.) 

To be Continued. 




John Andrews, <±th mo., 1662. 
Inventory of estate of Corporal John An- 
drews, taken May 23, 1662, by John Doolit- 
tle, John Hathorne & Andrew Mansfield, by 
request of the widow, amounting to £1116 
18s 4d ; debts about £758 lis Od, returned by 
Mr. Thomas Andrews 27th 4th mo., 1662. 

John Balch, ±th mo., 1662. 

Inventory of estate of John Balch of Salem, 
taken 19th 1st mo., 1662, by Roger Conant & 
Sam'l Corning, amounting to £189 17s Od ; 
list of debts £30 Os Od, returned 24th 4th mo., 

Item in the list of debts : 

"For keeping a sick and weakly child, viz, 
Mary balch, six months, £6 Os Od. 

At a court, 27th 4th mo., 1662. 

Mary Balch, widow of John Balch, isappt'd 
adm'x of her husband's estate, and when all 
just debts are paid, the whole estate ia to be 
divided between said Mary & Mary their 
daughter, the whole estate remaining in the 
widow's hands until her daughter is of age or 

John Row, Mh mo., 1602. 

Will of John Row, dated 15th 8th mo., 
1661, gives all his estate to his wife and two 
sons, John and Hugh. Witnesses — John Col- 
lins, bt., John Collins, jr., Stephen Glover. — 
proved 24th 4th mo., 1662, and the widow 
and two sons adm'rs. 

Inventory of above estate taken 2d day A- 
pnl, 1662, by Sam'l Dollivor, John Collins 
& Wm. Browne, amounting io £205 16s 10J, 
returned by Bridget Bow, the widow, and 
John Row, son ol the above John 9, Juno 

David Lewis, 4:th mo., 1602. 
Inventory of estate of David Lnwis taken 
22d June, 1662, amounting to £22 06s Od ; 
debts £16 8s Od, returned to the Court and ia 
allowed, and Samuel Archard is apptd to ad- 
minister in behalf of the country, & to be ac- 
countable to this court. 

Thos. Wilks, Mh mo., 1662. 

Inventory of estate of Thomas Wilks taken 

Nove., 1661, at Boston, by John & John 

Lake, amounting to £70 0s Od. 

Also inventory taken December, 1661, at 
Salem, by Walter Price & Billiard Veren, a- 
mounting to £30 6s ll£d, returned 25th 4th 
mo., 1662, and Mr. Edmund Batter appfd 
adm'r, who is to dispose of the said estate by 
advice of this Court. 

Robert Gray, 4^/i mo., 1662. 

Will of Hubert Gray, of Salem, dated 1st 
11th mo., 1661, daughter Elizabeth Gray, 
sons Joseph, Robert, daughters Bethiah, Han- 
nah & MarV ; servant Elizabeth Wicks. 

Gives "to George Hodgis a quadrant, a fore 
stafie, a gunter's scale, and a pr of compass- 
es," wife Eliz'h Gray who he appts ex'tr, 
John Brown and Henry Bartholomew, over- 

Witness — John Brown and Henry Barthol- 

proved 25th 4th mo., 1662. 

Inventory of above estate taken 5th 12th 
mo., 1661, by John Brown, Richard Prince & 


Henry Bartholomew, amounting to £608 01s 
Od, returned 25th 4th mo., 1662. 

Wm. Browne, 4th mo., 1662. 

Will of Win. Browne of Gloucester, dated 
29th April. 1662, son in law Ahraham Robin- 
ron, under 21 years, dan Mary Browne, under 
18 years, to be ext'x, wile Mary ; witnesses — 
John Emerson & John Collins, Jr. proved 
25th 4th mo., 1662. 

Inventory of above estate taken May 13, 
1662, by John Emerson, Sam'l Dolliver, John 
Collins and Philip Staynwood, amounting to 
£203 0s 7d, returned by Mary Brown, widow, 
25th 4th mo., 1662. 

Lawrence Leach, 4th mo., 1662. 

Will of Lawrence Leach, of Salem, aged 85 
years; his debts to be paid, and his wife to 
have all his estate. Witnesses —John Porter, 
John Batchelder ; proved 25th 4th mo., 1662, 
& Eliz'h, widow of above, apptd adm'x. 

Inventory of above estate taken by John 
Porter & Jacob Barney, amounting to £138 
14s 8d, returned and allowed 24th 4th mo., 

Ann Fuller, 4th mo., 1662. 

Will of Ann Fuller, widow, aged 79 years, 
Hon Richard Leach, Bethiah Farrow, John 
Leach & Sarah Leach. Witnesses, Jonathan 
Walcott, John Rowdon. proved 25th 4th mo., 
1662, and Ric'd Leach apptd adm'r. 

Inventory ot above estate taken by Nath'l 
Felton, Anthony Buxton, amounting to £23 
17s 6d, returned 25th 4th mo., 1662, 

Henry Cook, 4th mo., 1662. 

Inventory of estate of Henry Cook, deceased 
the 14th of 11th month. 1661, taken by Nath'l 
Felton an 1 Henry Bartholomew, amounting 
to £225, returned by his widow, Judith Cook, 
and her son Isaack, 26th 4th mo., 1662. 

List of debts, amounting to £92 05s 8|d. 

Henry Cook's children — Isaac, aged 22 : 
Sam'l 20 ; John, 14 ; Henry, 8 ; Judith, 18 ; 

Rachel, 16 ; Mary and Martha, 12 ; Hanna, 

Israel and Nathan Webster, 9*h mo., 1662. 

Petition of Israel, 18 yrs, & Nathan Web- 
ster, 16 yrs , with the consent of the mother, 
that their father in law, John Emery, sen'r, 
and their brother, John Emery, jr., maight be 
appt'd their guardian, and the petition al- 
lowed and confirmed 26th 9th mo,, 1662. 

Geo. Tarr, 9th mo., 1662. 

Will of George Tarr, dated 1st July, 1662, 
sons John, Lazerous & Benjamin, (Joseph un- 
der age,) daughters Mary, Martha, Eliz'h & 

Mr. Eaton & Francis Burrill, & Allen Breed 
jr., shall be overseers. Henry Silshy & Fran- 
cis Burrill, witnesses, proved 26th 9th mo., 

Inventory of above estate taken by Henry 
Collins, Jr. & Henry Silsbv, 24th 9th mo., 

1662, amounting to £189 8s Od, returned 26th 
9th mo., 1062. 

Thos Smith, 9th mo., 1662. 
Inventory of estate of Thomas Smith, of Sa- 
lem, taken 17th 4th mo., 1662, by Jeffrey 
Massey & Tho Porter, amounting to £63 15s 
Od : list of debts, £39 9s 8d, returned 26th 
9th mo., 1602, allowed and ordered to the 
use of the widow & the bringing up of the 

John Goyt. 1st mn., 1663. 
Inventory of John Goyt. amounting to £34 
6s Od. 

Mary Smith. May, 1663, 
Will of Mary Smith, wile unto the late 
James Smith, of Marblehead, dated 28 Mar. 

1663, daughter Catherine Eborne. & daughter 
Mary Rowland, grand children Samuel & Jo- 
seph Rowland, Mary Eborne, daughter Mary 
Rowland's five children, daughter Cathren E- 
borne, children Mary, Rebecca, Moses, Han- 
nah, James & Sarah, Samuel, son James Smith. 

To be Continued. 




Read at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, March 16, 1868. 
Continued from Page 110. 

Governor of the Plantation at Cape Anne, 
and Naumkeag. A variety of terms have 
been used to express Conant's trust at "ye 
Bay of ye Massachusetts," such as Overseer, 
Business Agent, Local Manager, &c. Certain 
it is that he succeeded the two Overseers, 
Gardner and Tilly, who previously superin- 
tended the planting and fishing interests at 
Cape Anne. We have preferred to adopt the 
title applied by the Dorchester adventurers 
themselves, (according to Hubbard,) in their in- 
structions to Mr. Humphrey, their Treasurer, 
when communicating to Conant fcha'; they had 
chosen him "to he their Governor in that 
place," without discussing the validity of the 
Cape Anne charter, or the powers conferred 
by it, or whether Conant was accustomed in 
magisterial robes to hold courts, make laws, 
or administer them. This fact cannot be 
gainsaid, that he was at the head of a respec- 
table Colony, which received from the begin- 
ning, both before and after the absorption of 
the Dorchester Company into the Massachu- 
setts Company, the fostering care of such men 
as White and Humphrey, members* of' both 
Companies, and that Endjcott was sent over 
to take charge of and strengthen this Colony, 
verily the corner stone of the Commonwealth, 
which in due time embraced under its Govern- 
ment the elder Colony of Plymouth, and all 
the minor settlements around the Bay, 

Conant was born at Budlejgh, in Devon- 
shire, about 1592. From the Parish Records of 
East Budleigh, through Mr. "Savage's Glean- 
ings," we learn that he was baptised April 

*Humphrey was a member of both Companies, 
and there is scarce a doubt that White was also, and 
probably others of the Massachusetts Company. 


9th, 1593. and that he was probably the son of 
William Conant, who was m;irried Nov. 20, 
1588. Mr Gibbs, in Farmer's Register, 
thinks he traces his descent from a worthy 
family of Gittesham, near Honiton, and that 
his remote ancestors were of French extrac- 
tion, but of this we give no opinion. Mr. Felt 
supposes he came to New England in the same 
vessel with Lylord, in March, 1G24, but a de- 
position ot Conant's seems to place his arrival 
in the early part of 1G23, or perhaps the fall 
of 1G22. [Christopher Conant came over iu 
the "Anne," and arrived at Plymouth in 

The name of Roger Conant is so interwoven 
with the enrly days of the Colony, that in re- 
lating its hLtory, we have given much of Co- 
nant's aho. 

During his residence at Cape Anne, an e- 
vent occurred which reflected great credit upon 
him, and illustrated a marked feature in his 
character. The Episcopal portion of the Ply- 
mouth Adventurers at home, who had with- 
drawn from the Company, at the rupture oc- 
casioned by the Lyford discussion there, hasti- 
ly despatched a fishing vessel to the Cape on 
their own account, Hewes, master, who, upon 
arrival, tojk summary possession of a fishing 
stage, and other conveniences that had been e- 
rected by the New Plymouth people ; intend- 
ing no doubt to usurp this Episcopal scion of 
the Plymouth Colony as their own. The val- 
iant Capt Standi*!) was early on the spot and 
demanded immediate evacuation. Hewes's par- 
ty, knowing with whom they had to deal, for- 
tified themselves at the stage head, behind a 
barricade built of hogsheads, and defied Stand- 
iah and his men, and by the advantages of sit- 
uation, &c, which they possessed, could easily 
have destroyed them. A battle of words only, 
however, decided the fortunes of the day. — 
liubbird says, "the dispute grew to be very 
hot, and high words passed between them, 
which might have ended in blows, if not in 
blood and slaughter, had not the prudence and 
moderation of Mr. R<>g r Conant, at that time 
there present, and Mr. Peirce's interposition, 


that lay just by with his ship, timely prevent- 
ed " The matter was at last settled, by 
Peirce's crew promising to help the aggrieved 
fishermen build another stage, and so they al- 
lowed 11 ewes to keep it. 

This disturbance, not settled without great 
and painful exertion on the part of Conant, 
must have gone far in convincing him that the 
permanency and stability of the Colony rested 
mere upon its agricultural than its fishing in- 
terest, and h s settlement at Naumkeag as a 
more suitable place for planting, resulted from 
special explorations subsequently made for that 

Conant says that he built the first house e- 
rected in Salem, where, together with its ad- 
joining town and offspring, Beverly, he spent 
the major part of his valuable life, 

He was admitted a freeman, May 18, 1631 ; 
was chosen one of the Deputies to the General 
Court, at their first meeting in 1634 ; was 
often one of the twelve Selectmen for the 
management of town affairs, and also of the 
board who presided over the landed interests of 
the town, and in 1637, was one of the magis- 
trates of the '-Quarter Court," so called. 

In 1636. he was upon a Committee for the 
inspection of the canoes of the town, which it 
should be remembered were the principal vehi- 
cles for travel and convenience. A writer of 
that day says, "there be more canowes in this 
town than in all the whole Patent, every house- 
hould having a water horse or two."* 

Conant bore his share of ecclesiastical as 
well as municipal duties ; in 1663, he was a 
delegate at the ordination of Mr. Newman, 
over the Church at Wenham ; in 1667 he led 
in the organization of the first Church in Bev- 
erly, and his name stands first on its list of 

But a few years before his- death, he pre- 
sented the following petition to General CcAirt 
in relation to the town of Beverly, which is 
now cherished as a document of great value, 
and it is so suggestive of his character, that 

♦Wood's New England Prospect. 

we present it entire; it is dated May 28, 1671, 
and reads as follows : — * 

•'To the honorabel Generall Court, consist- 
ing of Magistrates and Deputies. 

"The um'de peticion of Roger Conant of 
Basriuer, alias Beuerly, who haue bin a plan- 
ter in New England fortie eight yeers and vp- 
ward, being one of the first, if not the very 
first, that resolujd and made good my settle- 
ment vnder God, in matter of plantation with 
my family, in this collony of the Massachuset 
Bay, and haue bin instrumental, both for the 
founding and earring on of the same, and 
when in the infancy thereof, it was in great 
hassard of being deserted, I was a means, 
through grace assisting me, to stop the flight 
of those few thut then were heere with me, 
and that my vtter deniall to goe away with 
them, who would haue gon either for England 
or mostly for Virginia, but thereupon stayed 
to the hfsssard of our Hues. Now my umble 
sute and request is vnto this honorabel Court 
onlie that the name of our towne or planta- 
tion may be altred or changed from Beuerly 
and be called Budleigh. I haue two reasors 
that haue muued me vnto this request. The 
first is the great dislike and discontent of many 
of our people for this name of Beuerly, be- 
cause (wee being «but a smale place) it hath 
caused on vs a constant nickname of beggarly, 
being in the mouths of many, and no order 
was giuen or consent by the people heere to 
their agent for any name vntill they were 
shure of being a town granted in the first 
place, Secondly I being the first that had 
house in Salem (and neuer had any hand in 
naming either that or any other towne) and 
myself with those that were then with me, be- 
ing all from the western part of England, de- 
sire this western name of Budleigh, a market 
towne in Deuonsheer and neere vnto the sea as 
we are heere in this place, and w r here myself 
was borne. Now in regard of our firstnesse 
and antiquity in this soe famous a colony, Wo 

*Mass. His. Collections, 3d S., 7, 252, or Gen. 
Register, 2d vol., 333. 


should umblie request this littell priuelidg 
with your fauora and consent, to giue this 
name abousaid vnto our town. I neuer yet 
madesute or request unto the Generall Court 
for the least matter, tho' I thinke 1 might as 
well haue done, as many others haue, who 
haue obtained much without hassard of life or 
preferring the publick good before theire own 
interest, which, I praise God, I haue done. If 
this my sute may find acceptation with your 
worships, I shall rest vmbly thaukfull and my 
praires shall not cease vnto the throne of grace 
for God's guidance and his blessing to be on 
all your waightie proceedings and that iustice 
and righteousness may be euerie where admin- 
istred, and sound doctrine, truth and holiness 
euerie where taught and practised throughout 
this wildernes, to all posterity, which God 
grant. Amen. 

"Your worships' vmble petitioner and 

"Roger Conant." 

His petition was not granted ; his claims to 
their consideration, however, were not over- 
looked, for at the same session they granted 
him as "a very ancient planter," two hundred 
acres of land, afterward set off near Dunsta- 
ble, which land is mentioned in his will made 
in the eighty -fifth year of his age, now pre- 
served among our Probate Records of Essex, at 
the Salem Court douse. He died Nov. 19, 
1G79, in his eighty eighth year, and descended 
to bis grave like a shock of corn fully ripe, 
and the melancholy tidings were borne to 
thousands of households where but fifty years 
before he had erected the first dwelling. 

Conant possessed elements of great firmness, 
at the same time he was mild and conciliato- 
ry ; the possession of such a character, inde- 
pendent of place or honors, bears its own re- 
ward. . 

"Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall 
be called the children of God.'' 

He had seven children, four sons and three 
daughters, viz :* 

*A genealogy of" Conant's descendants is in pro- 

Lot, born 1024, died 1074. 

Roger, born 102G, died June 15, 1072. 

Mary, born , married first, John 

Raich, second, William Dodge. 

Sarah, born . 

Exercise, [a son,] bap : Dec. 24, 1037, died 
April 28, 1722. 

Elizabeth, born . 

Joshua, who died in 10-59. 

The Conant family have descended to the 
present time through Roger's sons. Lot and 
Exercise, and among them have been men of 
talent and influence. Roger and Joshua had 
few or no descendants. Lot was the ancestor 
of the local or Beverly branch, who are well 
represented in that town, Ipswich and neigh- 
borhood at the present day. Exercise remov- 
ed to Boston and is the ancestor of a family 
who have spread iargely in Connecticut. De- 
scendants have borne the n.ime of Roger, 
through many generations, and it is likely, we 
hope, to be continued to a distant period of 

On the fly leaf of an old Biblo, once the 
property of the Conant s, but now in posses- 
sion of Chas. W. Palfrey, Esq., is this entry, — 
"The 4 day of .May 1072 b« ing Saturday my 
dere littel sone Samuel Conant dyed. The 15 
of June 1072 being Saturday — my dere, dere, 
dere husband Roger Conant dyed." This was 
written by the widow of Ro^er Conant, jr., 
eon of Roger who lost both her son and hus- 
band in the short space of six weeks. 

Roger Conant, Jr., the second son, was the 
first child born in Salem, (1020.) and the town 
in recognition of this circumstance, granted 
him on the 21, 11 mo., 1039, twenty acres of 

Governor's Island in Boston Harbor, was 
early known as Conant's Island. Conant 
street in Salem, not far from the Old Planter's 
settlement, was so named about twenty-five 
years since* at the suggestion of Major Conant 
of Beverly. An extended notice of Conant by 

gress by our townsman, J. F. Worcester, Esq., to 
whom I am indebted for facts. 


Rev. J. B. Felt, appeared in the 
Register of July and October, 1848.* 


The minister of the Old Planters, at Cape 
Anno and Naumkeag, was originally sent ov- 
er by the Plymouth Adventurers, to be pastor 
of the people at Plymouth ; he seems to have 
been selected by a faction of the Company, 
and that much the larger part, with a design 
to oppose the Congregationalism inculcated by 
Robinson, and restore the Colony to the Epis- 
copal fold ; both Cushman and Winslow, then 
in London, were opposed to him, but finally 
consented "to give contente to some." 

Lyford had resided in England but a short 
time prior to being selected for this mission, 
having been previously settled in Ireland. He 
probably came over on the return of Winslow 
with supplies, in the ship Charity, whioh ar- 
rived in March, 1624. 

Cushman, in his letter of January 24, 1623, 
[1624 new style,] says : "The preacher we 
have sent is (we hope,) and honest plaine man 
though none of ye most eminente and rare ; 
about chusing him into office, use your owne 
liberty and discretion." 

When he came on shore he was exceedingly 
complaisant, and was received with great cor 
diality. by the Plymouth people. "They gave 
him ye best entertainment yey could," they 
furnished him a dwelling in one of their best 
houses, and apportioned a larger allowance of 
fod out of the common store to him and his 
family than to any other person, and of clothing 
as they severally had need. Gov. Bradford, in de- 
ference to his calling was accustomed to consult 
with him in all "waightie affairs," as was his 
habit with their Elder, Me, Brewster, and he 
was otherwise by the Colonists generally, held 
in especial favor. 

Cushman, in the letter above quoted, says 
"he [Lyford,] knows he is no officer amongst 

• References. — Town Ree. Felt's. Salem, Gen. Reg. 
2, 329 c 3:n. Mass. His Col. 37, 250-60, and 38, 
30G. Hutchinson, Hubbard, and Prince. 

you, though perhaps custome and universali- 
ze may make him forget himself," which ac- 
cording to Bradford, he most effectually did, and 
caused the Pilgrims a vast deal of trouble the 
first three or four months of his residence 
with thetn, during, which time he acted as 
their preacher, displaying abilities but little 
superior to their Elder, Mr. Brewster. 

He was without doubt a great dissem- 
bler. Upon uniting with the Plymouth 
Church, shortly after his arrival, " he made 
a large confession of faith, acknowledging 
former disorderly walking and being entan- 
gled with inany corruptions," and that "he 
held not himselfe a ministpr till he had a new 
calling," and thanked the Lord for the privi- 
lege of enjoying "ye ordinances of God in pu- 
ritie among his people," yet before the return 
of the ship that brought him over, he had laid 
open his revolutionary plans to the energetic 
but troublesome John Oldharn, and with a few 
adherents, they secretly pursued their plot 
with great earnestness ; "at length when ye 
ship was ready to goe, it was observed Lyford 
was long in writing &, sente many letters, and 
could not forbear to communicate to his inti- 
mates sueh things as made them laugh in their' 
sleeves, and thought he had done their errand 
sufficiently." One of these confederates wrote 
at the same time, "that Mr. Oldhame & Mr. 
Li ford intended a reformation in church and 
commonwealth ; and, as soone as the ship waa 
gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and 
have the sacrements" administered by Lyford's 
former Episcopal calling. The suspicions of 
Gov. Bradford became aroueed, and "knowing 
how matters stood in England" with the ad- 
venturers, "and what hurt these things might 
doe, he tooke a shalop and wente out with the 
ship a league or two to sea." and intercepted 
and opened upwards of twenty of Lyford and 
Oldham's letters, "full of slanders and false 
accusations, tending not only to their preju- 
dice, but to their ruin and utter subversion." 
This singular visit of the Governor caused this 
covert faction some uneasiness at first, but as 


he kept the information thus out lined to him- 
self, after a few weeks they became "as briske 
as ever," thinking nothing had been discover- 
ed, and Lyford deeming his party now strong 
enough, openly "without, [says Bradford,] ev- 
er speaking one word either to ye Governor, 
Church or Elder, withdraws themselves and set 
up a publick meeting aparte on ye Lord's day, 
with sundry other ''insolent cariagcs" to tie 
disturbance of both Church and State. "It 
was now thought high time (to prevent fur- 
ther mischeefe.) to calle them to accounte ; so 
ye Governor called a Courte, and summoned 
the whole company to appeare, and thep 
charged Lyfurd and Oldham with such things 
as they were guilty of." Which resulted in 
their condemnation and expulsion from the 
Colony ; "Oldham presently," but Lyford was 
allowed six months grace, and Oldham's family 
had liberty to remain during the coming win- 
ter. This took place probably early in the 
summer of 1624. They fled to Nantasket and 
were voluntarily followed by Roger Conant 
and a few others of the Church party, with 
their families, as before related, 

Both Lyford and Oldham afterward became 
in part reconciled with the Plymouth people, 
and occasionally returned to the Colony. It 
was probably in the early part of the next 
year, while still living at Nantasket, that they 
were invited with Conant to remove to Cape 

The Rev. Mr. White and the Dorchester 
Merchants were deceived in Lyford, and per- 
haps imposed upon, and Conant who was 
without reproach, and eminently a peace-mak- 
er, may through love of the established church 
and sympathy for Lyford "s family, have been 
unbelieving and blinded to his faults and insta- 
bility of character, until his eyes were opened 
at the time of his heartless desertiou at Nauru? 
keag, and endeavor to break up the Colony. 

Nothing but his unscrupulous zeal for Epis- 
copacy was alleged against his conduct while 
;n this country, and we have reason to be- 
lieve that his followers and adherents were in 


the main attached to him and his family ; he 
appears to have been a person of agreeable 
manners and address, and as a preacher of 
moderate but not brilliant abilities, and both 
at Capo Anne and Naumkeag, he undoubted- 
ly continued his ministrations with acceptance, 
conducting a church after his prior ordination 
and in accordance with the usages aud require- 
ments of the Episcopal Church.* 

lie was Conant's preacher about three 
years ; and as we believe for the last eight or 
ten monthis of the time, and perhaps longer, 
at Naumkeag, that is through the winter of 
1625-6, to near the end of the summer of 

On the banks of the North River, full 
two years before the establishment of the First 
Church, so called, at Salem, or the ordination 
of Higginson and Skelton, — the rights and or- 
dinances of the Gospel were administered to 
the "Old Planters" in an appropriate place of 
worship, and their voices in united prayer as- 
cended to Heaven in the sublime words of the 
English Litany: "Webeseach Thee to hear 
us Good Lord," "That it may please thee to 
succor, help and comfort all who are in danger, 
necessity and tribulation." And over the wa- 
ters echoed their anthems of praise: "For the 
Lord is a Great God and a Great King above all 
Gods. In his hands are all the corners of the 
earth, and the strength of the hills is His also." 

We think it highly probable that the "lov- 
ing invitation" given Lyford, to settle in Vir- 
ginia, was made by Mr. Fells and his party, 
who, with many servants, and a large quanti- 
ty of "plantation commodities," while on a 
voyage to Virginia, were wrecked near Cape 
Cod, early in the beginning of the winter of 
1626. This party remained at Plymouth the 
next summer, and planted corn and raised a 
few swine, and by mutual trade were of some 

* As Rogey Conant's son Roger, born in 1626, was 
not 'baptized at the First Church, after his father 
united with it, as all his brothers and sisters were, 
it is presumptive proof that he was baptized previous- 
ly, that is by Lyford. 


advantage to the Colony, they tarried in ex- 
psctation of releasing their vessel from the 
sand, or otherwise waited for some chance 
opportunity of conveyance te Virginia. Mr. 
Fells visited Cape Anne, and "ye Bay of ye 
Massachusetts," which we suppose to mean 
Naumkeag, for this purpose, and returned un- 
successful to Plymouth. They finally succeed- 
ed in obtaining passage thither in a "cuple of 
barks at ye latter end of eumer" of 1627, which 
vessels had brought corn to the Plymouth peo- 
ple, and probably Lyfordand a few of Conant's 
eompauy departed with them. All that we 
knowofLyford further, is, that "he shortly 
after dyed" in Virginia. 

Lyford had a large family ; and this was 
one of the objections that Winslow, the Com- 
pany's agents than in London, had to his being 
sent over, viz: "his great charge of children." 
When he was expelled from Plymouth, he 
had a "wife, and children four or five," their 
names are unknown to us * His wife is repre- 
sented as 'being a grave matron, and of good 
carriage all y« while she was here." After 
her husband's death, she "returned againe to 
this country." Of his descendants we know 
nothing. A family bearing this surname re- 
sides in Newburyport, and the rame is occa- 
sionally met with in New Hampshire. It is 
however, comparatively rare in New England. 

For a further account of Lyford*, see Brad- 
ford's History of Plymouth, Mass. His. Coll. 
vol. 43. Also Young's Chron. of Mass. , 
Prince's Annals, Felt's, Salem, Hubbard, &c. 

A full account of John Oldham, is given in 
Bradford '8 Hist, of Plymouth, and Bond's 
Hist, of Watertown, 

Came from Somersetshire, was made a free- 
man May 18, 1631. fioth he and his wife 
Agnes are among the original members of the 
First Church. With Palfrey, he was one of 

* As this family of six or seven persons removed 
so early from the Colony, they were not added in 
the computation of its numerical strength, in A 
former page. 

the deputies of the General Court, in 1635, and 
again 1638. One of the five farms* being one- 
fifth ot the great one thousand acre lot, at the 
head of Bass River, was granted him January 
4, 1635 ; these farms were surveyed by him- 
self and John Bakh. 

It is stated in an article by Robert Rantoul, 
Esej.. in Mass. His. Coll., and also by Rev. Mr. 
Stone, in his History of Beverly, that John 
Woodbury and his brother William, removed 
over to the Cape Anne side, afterward Beverly, 
about 1630, to a spot near that which is now 
called Woodbury '8 Point* It is supposed that 
all the Woodburys in New England are de- 
scendants ol these two brothers 

To Mr Stone, also, we are indebted for the 
following tradition : 

Affier the farms at Ba«s River were occu- 
pied, the only way of communication with 
them from Woodbury's- Point, was by water, 
or along the s^a-shore aud margin of the riv- 
er. A heifer was driven along this winding 
way from the point to the head of the river, 
where it was to lemain at pasture : but judge 
of the surprise of her owner, who, upon re- 
tracing his steps, found that the animal, not 
liking its abode, had reached home before him: 
its tracks were accordingly traced out, and a 
more direct path through the woods thereby 
discovered, which subsequently became a road 
of communication between the two places, and 
although upwards of two hundred years have 
since elapsed, yet so far as direction is con- 
cerned, neither science n >r skill have done much 
to improve what instinct first projected. 

Mr Woodbury, after a life of energy, and 
faithfulness to the interests of the Colony died 
in 1641 ; we do not know his age, but proba- 
bly not much above sixty years. 

He was called "Father" Woodbury, howev- 
er, as early as 1635, which may have been a 
title due him as one on whom many leaned for 
counsel and advice ; we regard him as stand- 
ing next to Conant in intelligence and useful- 
ness to the Colony. 

His descendants are numerous, many still 
live around the Spot that witnessed his trials 


and suffering, and the ancient homestead with 
no other deed than the original grant, still re- 
mains in the family. 

Among his descendants have been manj 
worthy and influential men. and some have oc- 
cupied high places in the land. 

The Hon. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the 
Navy, under President Jackson, was the son of 
Peter Woodbury, who was born in Beverly, as 
all his ancestors were. 

He descended from Peter, the son of the 
primitive John, through Josiah, then Peter, 
to the third Peter, who was his father. Mr. 
Cranch, in the 1st vol. of Gen. Keg., repre- 
sents Peter incorrectly as the son of Hum- 
phrey ; Peter was Humphrey's brother, and 
both sonHof the original John. Humphrey had 
a son Peter, who was killed in 1675, at the 
early age of twenty-two, while serving under 
Captain Lathrop, who commanded the "Flow- 
er of Essex," as his company has been called, 
at the famous Indian battle at Muddybrook, 
September 18th, after that vear. 

Beside Humphrey, who came over with his 
father on his return in 1628, having then 
just arrived at seniority, being born in 1607 ; 
we have the names of such children as are re- 
corded among the baptisms of the First Church, 
but whether there were others between these 
and Humphrey we know not. 
Hannah, bap. 25 of 10, 1636. 
Abigail, bap. 12 of 9, 1637. 
Peter, bap. 19 of 7, 1640. 
Humphrey had sundry grants of land from 
the town of Salem In 1637, forty acres. 

He married Elizabeth , and had 

sons Jlnd daughters ; he Was a member of 
the First Church in Salem, and afterward dea- 
con of the Fh>t Church in Beverly at its organ- 
ization .„ He lived to be upwards of three 
score and ten years of age. His widow died 
in Beverly about 1689. 

Peter, son of John, was made a freeman 
Jg68 — representative to General Court 1689 — 
wae also a deacon of the Beverly church, mar- 

ried and had children — he died July 5, 1704, 
aged 64 years.* 

Brother of John, had grants of land in Sa- 
lem; he died the latter part of 1676; his will, 
dated 1, 4 mo., 1663, was probated 26, 4 mo. 
1677 ; he left his dwelling house, household 
goods,- and most of his lands to his wife Eliz- 
abeth ; his children were Nicholan, the eldest 
son, and William, Andrew, Hugh, Isaac, 
and a daughter Hannah Hascall. Nicholas 
and Hugh had lands granted them in Salem al- 
so. William was one of the five witnesses to 
the signing of the Indian deed of the territory 
of Salem, when transferred to the Town, Oct. 
11, 1686, by the grand children of Sagamore 
George and others. 


Belonged to a very ancient family of Somer- 
setshire, who had a seat at St. Andries, near 
Bridgewater, but now believed to be extinct 
there. He is thought to have been a son of 
George Balch, who was born in 1536, and 
who had sons George and John. George, the 
eldest by two y^ars, is supposed to have been 
the ancestor of the St. Andries family. John, 
born about 1579, came to New England with 
Captain Robert Gorges, in September, 1623. 
The spot on which he settled in Salt-in, being 
in the field called very early, the "old planters' 
marsh." His homestead was no doubt on five 
acres of upland and meadow there, which we 
think could now be approximately pointed out. 
It was situated north of the Skerry lot of two 
acres, which Francis Skerryf bought of Peter 
Palfrey, in 1653, which said five aeres Benja- 
min Balch, sjn of John, bought his brother's 
right therein in 1658. This also designates 

♦Young 28. Gen. Reg. 1, 84 and 8, 168. Felt's 
Salem. Sione's Beverly Town Rec. Church Rec. 
Mass. His. Coll. [HubbardJ 25, 107, and 37, 352-4. 

fThe Skerry family own or very recently owned 
land upon or near the same spot. 


Palfrey's lot as on the south (or southwest) 
and further up the peninsula. 

John Balch had two wives, Margaret and 
Agnes ; in his will the latter is called Annis. 
Her own inventory is recorded 9 mo., 1657, as 
that of Agnes Balch. John, with his first wife, 
Margaret, were among the original mem hers of 
the First Church. He was made a freeman 
May 18, 1631, had a grant of one of the five 
farms of two hundred acres each, at the head 
of Buss River, January 25, 1635-6, to which 
he removed three years afterward, and where he 
lived till his death, in June 1618, aged about 
69 years. 

This farm was situated near the present resi- 
dence of Mr. John Bell, which is designated 
upon the new map of Essex County : some of 
his descendants still live upon or near the same 
spot. Mr. Balch sustained various trusts from 
the town, as selectman, surveyor, &j. "He 
appears to have possessed the qualifications of 
resolution, perseverance, integrity and intelli- 
gence necessary to the founding and guiding 
of a new community." He died about May, 
1648, when his corn was in its tender leaf. He 
left three sons, Benjamin, John, and Freeborn. 
His will, dated May 15, 1648, was witnessed by 
Peter Palfrey, Nicholas Patch, and Jeffry 
Massey. Palfrey and Massey proved the same 
in Court a fortnight alter, viz : 28 of 4 mo., 
1648. Wife Annis and son Benjamin, Execu- 
tors, and John Proctor and William Wood- 
bury, overseers. Inventory returned valued 
£220, 13s, 4d., consisting chiefly of tillage and 
meadow land, and cattle. 

Among his cattle he mentions two cows by 
name, "Keddie" and "Cherrie," and another 
that he had bred up expressly for his son Free- 
born. He mentions his great fruit trees, and 
also his young apple trees, and his corn that 
is growing upon the ground, His widow Ag- 
nes died about 1657, after ''long weakness and 

Benjamin, the eldest son, was born in 1629, 
the next year after the arrival of Governor 
Endicott, and three years after his. father's 
settlement at Naumkeag, and it has been erro- 

neously maintained* that he was the first white 
child born in Salem. He inherited the larger 
portion of his father's property. He had 
children, Samuel, John, Joseph, and Free- 
born. This Joseph was slain in 1675, at the 
fatal Indian battle at Muddy Brook. 

John's son John married Mary, the daugh- 
ter of Koger Conant ; he was drowned when 
crossing the ferry near the Old Planters' 
homes, then called Ipswich ferry, in a small 
skiff, during a violent storm, June 16, 1662 ; 
his widow afterwards married William Dodge, 
who was the ancestor of all the Dodges, and 
settled in the neighborhood of the five Bass 
River farms The neighboring towns of Wen- 
ham and Hamilton contain many of his de- 
scendants, and this surname is by far the most 
common name in those towns. 

Freeborn, who is believed to have been born 
the year his father was made freeman, in 1631, 
and was probably so named in allusion to that 
fact. He inherited one quarter of his father's 
property. He lived near Wenham Lake. It 
is supposed he went to Engl ind and never re- 
turned. He probably died about 1658, as his 
name then disappears ftom our records. 

The present Balch family at Salem, have 
descended to our time through John's son, 

*Roger Conant, Jr., born in 1626, was, without 
doubt, the first white child born in Salem, and in 
1639, when he was but a youth of 13 years of age, 
and still trotted on his parent's knees, he received a 
grant of land from the town, in token of that prece- 
dence. There need be no confusion regarding the 
unauthorized claims either of Baloh or Massey, to 
that circumstance of fortune. Benjamin Balch, as 
shown above, was born three years after Conant. In 
1686, forty-six years after the above public rgcogni- 
tion, when both Conants were dead, John Massey, 
in order to strengthen his petition for the Ferry, 
stated that he was the oldest town born child thenliv' 
ins; there. Eighteen years later, in 170-t, and sixty- 
four years after the award to Conant, the First Church 
through careless tradition or other misoontruction, 
voted Massey, who was then aged, an old Bible, "he 
being considered the first town born child." See a 
similar explanation by Mr, Felt, with references in 
Gen. Beg. vol. 10, 170. 


Benjamin. The Rev. William Balch, oi 
Bradford, a grandson of Benjamin, was one of 

the subscribers to Prince's Chronology, and his 
copy with dome of his writing therein, is still 
preserved in the family, Our venerable towns- 
man, Benjamin Balch, is William'e grandson.* 
To be Continued. 


For an account of Richard Ingersoll and his 
children, see Number 1, page 12. George, son 
of Richard bad a wife named Elizabeth. 
2d generation. 

Children of George, son of Richard. 1st 
son name unknown, killed by Indians: George 
d 1730 ; Samuel ; John d 1716 ; Joseph, Ma- 
ry & Elizabeth. 

Children of John Ingersoll and Judith Pel- 
ton. John b 12th 7th mth 1614; Nath'lb 
10th 2d mth 1617: Ruth b 20th 4th mth 1649; 
Richard b 1st 7th mth 1651 ; Sarah b 28th 6th 
mth 1655 ; Samuel b 6th 8th mth 1658 ; Jo- 
seph b 9th 10th mth 1661, d 1661 ; Hannah b 
11th 1st mth 1663, d 1663. 

Children of Alice Ingersoll and Jonathan 
Wolcott, unknown. 

Children of Bathsheba I and John Knight 
Jr., of Newhury, were 8, as appears by Dea- 
con Nathaniel Ingersoli's will. Among them 
were John and Joseph. 


Joana or Jane Ingersoll and 

Richard Pettengill : Matthew, Samuel, Ma- 
ry and Nathaniel 

Children of Sarah Tngersoll (1st husband, 
Wm. Haynrg, bro to Lt. Gov'r Haynes) and. 
Joseph Houlton : Joseph, James, John, Eliz- 
abeth and Sarah Houlton. 

3d generation. 

George, son of George, md Nicholson : — 
Child, David. 

Samuel, son of George, md Elizabeth Wake- 
field, 1702. Children : Mary b Aug. 6, 1704 ,- 

*Book of Grants. Young Chron. of Mass., 26.— 
Mr. Balch in Gen. Reg. 9, 234. Mass. His. Coll. 
"Rantoul" 37, 254, and Hubbard. 


Samuel b Aug. 14, 1706; Mary b Aug. 18, 
1708. (I suspect this is erroneous, and that 
it should come one generation later ) 

John, son of George, b 1045. d 1715, md 
Deborah—. Children: Elisha, NatL'l. John, 
Ephraim, Deborah b 1668, md Benj'n Larra- 
bee ; Mary md Low ; Rachel md John Chap- 
man ; Abigail md Blacey : another dau name 
unknown md Brown, and died before her la- 

Joseph, son of George, married daughter of 
Matthew Coe of Portland. Child: Benjamin. 
Mary, dau of George. 
Elizabeth, dau of George, 
John, son of John and Judith Felton, bapt. 
7th 12th mth 1644, married Mary Cooms Mch 
17, 1670. Children, Mary b 10th 7th mth 
1761, md George Cox ; John bap Sept. 1, 
1678; Sarah and Elizabeth bap Mch 15th. 1702, 
adults ; Ruth b 2d 12th mth 1673, md Zach 

Samuel, son of John and Judith Felton died 
about 1695, b 6th Oct. 1658, md Sarah — b Dec. 
11th, 1665. Children. Sarah b Oct. 12. 1687; 
Margaret b April 8, 1690 ; Susannah b Dec. 
4, 1692 ; Samuel and Sarah md 28th April, 
1684. Sarah was md wife to Phiiip English. 
Susanna probably died young, as she is not men- 
tioned in the acpt of guardianship rendered by 
her mother. 

Nathaniel, son of John and Judith, b 2d 
10th mth, 1647, married Mary Preston. 8th 
8th mth 1670, d Sept. 28, 1684. Children : 
Elizabeth b 11th 12th mth, 1672 ; John b 7th 
8th mth, 1674 , Nathaniel b died 1704. 

Ruth, daughter of John and Judith, b 20th 
4th mth, 1619, married Richard Ropes 7th 4tb 
mth, 1670. Children : Richard b April 20th, 

1674 ; John — b Aug. 16, 1678. 

Richard, son of John and Judith, bapt 1st 
7th mth, 1651, married Sarah — , died Nov. 27, 

Child : Richard. 

Sarah, daughter of John and Judith, bapt 
28th 6th mth, 1655, married David Ropes Ju- 
ly 26th, 1676. Children : Jonathan ; Sarah 
b Jan. 9th, 1680 ; William b March 5, 1685 ; 


George b August 12, 1(588 ; Joseph b Jan'y 
11, 1692 ; John b Jan'y 25, 169-4. 

Joseph, sun of John and Judith, bapt 10th 
mth 9th, 1661, and died the same year. 

Hannah, daughter of John and Judith, bapt 
10th 1st mth, 1663, died the same year. 


Ruth lngersoll, daughter of John and Mary 
Cooms, married Zaohariah Fowler. Children, 
Mary, Ruth, Elizabeth and Zechariah. 

Samuel, son of John and Mary Cooms, mar- 
ried July 29, 1702, Sarah, daughter of Capt. 
Stephen liaskett. Children, Nathaniel, md 
Bethiah Gardner. S^pt. 1, 1737 ; John, md 
Elizabeth Bray, May 9, 1741. 

Mary, daughter of John and Mary Cooms b 
10th 7th mth, 1671, married George Cox. 

John, son of John and Alary Cooms, died 

John 3d, son of Nathaniel and Mary Pres- 
ton, b 7th 8th mth, 1674. 

Children, Elizabeth, md Lawrence Knight, 
Nov. 2d, 1696. Issue : Nathaniel, b March 
29th, 1698: Elizabeth, b August 5, 1700; 
John, b May 20th, 1703. 

Richard, son of Richard & Sarah, and grand- 
son of John and Judith, md Ruth Dodge of 
Beverly, April 28th, 1699. 

5th generation. 

John, son of Samuel and Sarah Haskett, md 
Elizabeth, dau of Capt. Daniel Bray* May 
9th, 1741, by Rev. James Diman. Elizabeth 
his wife d aged 56. Children. John and Samu- 

Nathaniel, son of Samuel and Sarah Has- 
kett, md Betliiah Gardner, Sept. 1, 1737.— 
Child : Nathaniel died unmarried. 

David, Jonathan, John, Samuel, daughter 
Hannah md John Pickering, son of Wm. and 
Eunice ; one of the name (Hannah) was bap- 
tized at Episcopal Church, June 29th, 1744. 

Jonathan, son of Nathaniel & Sarah Has- 
kett, married 1st, Mary Hodges, sister of Jon- 
athan ; 2d, Polly Pool, sister of Ward and 
Fitch ; and 3d, Sarah Blythe, widow of Sam- 
uel, whose maiden name was Sarah Purbeck. 

John, son of Nathaniel & Sarah Haskett* 
md ht, Hannah Bowditch, & 3d, Elizabeth, 
widow of Nicholas Crosby, (living June, 1859) 
over 90 years of age. 

Samuel, son of John & Elizabeth Bray, 
married at Hampton to Susannah Hathorne, 
Oct., 1772. Samuel d 15th July, 1804, aged 


Children of Jonathan, all by his first wife, 
Mary Hodges— Nathaniel, George, Mary, md 
Dr. Bowditch. 

Children of John & Hannah Bowditch : 
John, married Mary Hunt, and died without 
ispue. She afterwards md John Burley. 
Nath'l married Margaret Foote, whose moth- 
er was a Crowninshield. 

Children of Samuel lngersoll & Susannah 
Hathorne : Ebenezer b 1781, died July 2d, 
1804, no issue; Susannah died 13th July, 
1858, never married. 



The history of the copper coins, which 
found a circulation in the Colonies, for the 
first hundred years after their settlements, is 
involved in great obscurity. I have carefully 
searched the records and histories of that pe- 
riod, with but little success. Even tradition 
has failed to hand down to us any correct ac- 
count of them. 

The government of Great Britain, from 
which the Colonies would have probably re- 
ceived most of their supplies, appear to have 
very reluctantly adopted a copper coinage. 

A very few pieces only were struck during 
the reign of Elizabeth* and her immediate 
successors, but no general coinage of sufficient 

*The first copper coins, struck by Great Britain, 
were for Ireland, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
1601. She ordered "certayne pieces of small monies 
of meere copper, of Pence, Half-pence and Farth- 
ings, for the poorer sort, to be stamped, with her 
highnes armes crowned, and inscription, of her usual 


amount to have found their way here in large 
quantities, until the reign of George the First 
The coinage of capper was viewed by the 
people of that period as an experiment, of 
which the projectors themselves were uncertain 
of its usefulness. The large issues of small 
6ilver coins, such as twopennies, pennies, and 
even farthings, from the British Mint, 
furnished a sufficient medium to transact all 
the small operations of trade. They however 
did not reach this country in sufficient quunti- 
ties for business, and our ancestors were 
obliged to use in their stead, various substi- 
tutes, such as shells / bead?, and even bullets, 
as appears from the Massachusetts Colony rec- 
ords of March 4th, 1035. It was ordered that 
"muskett bulletts of a full boare shall passe 
currantly for a farthing a peece provided that 
noe man be compelled to take above 12d att a 
tyme of them." In 1G52, Massachusetts es- 
tablished a Mint to coin silver shillings and 
sixpences. Small change being very scaice, 
the General Court in 1662, ordered the Mint 

stile, on the one side, and on the other, with crown- 
ed harp, being the arins of this her kingdome of 
Ireland, with the inscription Posui Deum Adjutorem 
Meum.'' Only the pennies are now known, one of 
which is in my collection; it is of the size of a half 
cent, and of the greatest rarity. James I, by pro- 
clamation, made current May 19, 1613, a copper 
farthing, Obv. Jaco. D. G. Mag. Brit, two sceptres 
crossing under a diadem. Rev. Fra Et. Hib. Rex. 
crowned harp. 1635. Charles I also issued copper 
farthings, like those of his father, (only Caro. in- 
stead of Jaco. and sometimes a rose instead of a 
harp.) It is probable that the last found a currency 
here to some extent, as I have in my collection a 
copper farthing of diaries I, of the size of a three 
cent piece, found by Hardy Phippen, Esq., on his 
lot on the extreme eastern end of Hardy Street, on 
the harbour, where he also found four or five pieces 
of the N. E. Pine Tree pieces, numerous indian 
arrow-heads, a pipe, and also what appeared to be 
the ruins of a house, though no one can remember 
of having heard of any house ever being erected 
there. This coin was presented to me by George D . 
Phippen, Esq., in 1849. During the period of the 
Commonwealth of Oliver Cromwell and Richard, on- 
ly pattern pieces of copper money were issued. 

master to coin twopenny pieces, and according 
to Ruding, pennies, none of which are now 

About this time (1602,) Lord Baltimore, 
proprietor of Maryland, coined silver and also 
copper lor the use of that colony. Only one 
of the copper coins is now known to be in ex- 
istence, the last possessor of it was Dimsdale, 
the banker, at whose sale it realized nine guin- 
eas. It is now in the British Museum. It had 
on its obverse, Cuecilius Dux Terra Marias, &c. 
Bust of Lord Baltimore to the right, as on his 
silver coin, mint mark on both sides a cross 
patee. Reverse, Denarium Terrae Marias, two 
flags issuing out of a ducal coronet, the crest 
of Lord Baltimore. 

There is in the British Museum a half pen- 
ny, Obv an elephant, Rev. God preserve Caro- 
lina and the Lords Proprietors, 1694. This 
is commonly called the Carolina halfpenny, but 
the intention of it is not known. There is a- 
nother, Obv like the above. Rev. God preserve 
New England, 1694. 

On the 5th of July, 1700, the Board of 
Trade took into consideration the state of the 
coins in the plantation. Mr. John Eysack 
lead a memorial proposing the erection of a 
Mint, on the Continent, as a means to remedy 
many inconveniences in the trade of the past. 
After full consideration of the matter, their 
lordships did not think tit that any Mint should 
be erected there. Such was the scarcity of 
change in Massachusetts, that many individu- 
als stamped pieces of brass and tin and passed 
them for a penny each. March 3d, 1701, a 
Committee of General Court report in favor 
of having Province pence made of copper. It 
was negatived by the Council. 

March 26th, 1703, a proposition is laid 
before the General Court, that William Chalk- 
hill, who had been an officer in her Majesty's 
Mint, but then a resident of Boston, be con- 
tracted with to import from England £5000 
worth of copper pence. This project must 
have also failed, as no pence were coined by 
the British Government till 1722, and then 
only for America. 


Februavy 5th, 1716, a plan was started for 
the coinage of base money here, one third cop- 
per, and the rest silver, to pass in New Eng- 
land; but the Ministry in England would allow 
no such thing to be done. 

1722, defeated in all their attempts to pro- 
cure a currency in copper, small coins being 
exceedingly scarce, General Court ordered an 
emission of £500 worth of penny, twopenny 
and threepenny hills. The form of the first 
of these bills was round, of the second square, 
and of the third, angular. They were printed 
on parchment, in the old English letter. I have 
the one penny, it is of the size of a dollar, its 
edge is ornamented with flowers, the printing 
is enclosed in a ring, making the place of the 
printing the size of a half dollar, thus : — 

The square bill of twopenny, is in the col- 
lection of \Y. W. Greenough, Esq., of Bos- 
ton. The threepenny bill I have never seen 
they are sill extremely rare. These bills are 
noticed in the Rev. Joseph B. Felt's very valu- 
able work upon the Massachusetts Currency. 


Messis Editors: — Francis Higginson landed at Sa- 
lem on the 30th of June, 1029. In a letter to friends 
in England, the July following, he says, — "When we 
came first to Naimkecke, (now called Salem), we 
found about half a score houses built, and a fayre 
house newly built for the governor." Mr. Felt, in 
his "Annals of Salem," p. 122, informs us that 
"according to the deposition of Richard Brackenbury, 
the mansion here spoken of was made from materials 
of another, first erected at Cape Ann, under the Dor 
Chester Associates, which probably served for the res. 
idenco of Roger Conant, while Governor of that 
plantation." "Part of its timber," he adds, "is said 
to bo contained in the dwelling, formerly a tavern, 

on the corner of Court (now Washington) and Church 

Having recently had occasion to make a copy of 
the deposition above named from the record in the 
Essex Registry of Heels, I send it to y<>u for inser- 
tion in your columns, believing that its perusal will 
be as interesting to some of your renders as it has 
been to myself, and feeling quite Certain that all of 
them will agree with me in the opinion that there is 
little in the present appearance of this ancient man- 
sion to indicate that it was once "a tasteful edifice 
of two stories high, of the order of architecture call- 
ed the Elizabethan, which was but a slight remove 
from the Gothic." 

Richard Brackenbury of Beuerly in the County of 
Essex, in New England aged eighty years, Testifieth, 
that he the said Richard came to New England, with 
John Endecott Esqr , late Gouenor in New England, 
deceased and that wee came ashore at the place now 
caled Salem the 6th of September in the yeare of our 
Lord, 1628: fifty two years agoe: at Salein wee 
found liueing, old Goodman Norman, & his sonn: 
William Allen and Waiter Knight, & others, those 
owned that they came ouer upon the acct of a com- 
pany in England, caled by us by the name of Dor- 
chester Company or Dorchester Marchants, they had 
sundry houses built at Salem, as alsoe John Wood- 
berye, Mr Conant, Peeter Palfery, John Balch & 
others, & they declared that they had an house built 
at Cape Ann for the dorchester Company: ard I haue- 
ing waited upon Mr Endecott, when he atended the 
company of the Massachusetts Pattentees, when they 
kept theire com t in Coinwell streete in London I un- 
derstood that this company of London haueinir bought 
out the right of the of the Dorchester marchants in 
New England, that Mr Endecott had power to take 
possession of theire right in New England, which Mr 
Endecott did. & in pticuler of an house built at Cape 
Ann, which Walter Knight and the rest said they 
built for Dorchester uien : & soe I was sent with them 
to Cane aim, to pull downe the said house lor Mr. 
Endecott's use, the which wee did, and the same 
yeare wee came ouer according to my best remem- 
brance, it was that wee tooke a further possession, on 
the north side of Salem terrye, comocly caled Cape 
an side, by cutting thach for our houses, & soone 
after laid < ut lotts tor tillage land on the said Cape 
an side, & quickly after sundrye ht uses were built, 
on the said Cape an side & I myselfe haue lined 
there, now for about 40yeares, & I with sundry others 
haue beene subduing the wildernes & improuing the 
fields and comons theie, as a part of Salem, while wee 
belonged to it & since as inhabitants of Beuerly for 
these fifty yeares A never yt I heard of disturbed 
in our possession, eitner by the Indians or others 
sane in our late unhappy warr, with the heathen, 
neether haue 1 Leard by myselfe or any other inhab- 
itants, nither for the space of these fifty yearts, that 
Mr Mason or any by from or under him did take any 
possession or lay any claime to any lands heare saue 
now in his last claime within this yeare or two: 

Richard Brackenbury made oath to 

the truth of the abi>ve written this 

20th daye of January 1080-1 before 

me Bartholomew Gedney assistant 

in the Collony of Massachusetts. 

. „ ; 1:.- : . 

W\ 1M3 




Vol. I. 

November, 1859. 

:no. 5. 

ABOUT 1733-4. 


(Continued from Page 143) 

The history of a man who for fifty years or 
more occupied a somewhat prominent position 
among the ancient *Merchants of Salem, may 
not, in this connection, be uninteresting or un- 
profitable. At this distance of time, the mate- 
rials for it are not as ample as could he desir- 
ed ; yet, by combining the scattered fragments 
which are found in Felt's Annals, Public Rec- 
ords of Salem, Bentley's History, Upham's 
Witchcraft. Massachusetts Historical Collec- 
tions, Histories of Massachusetts, and ancient 
family papers and traditions, something like a 

* Among the Salem Merchants, who appear to 
have been prominent when Philip English flourished, 
judging by papers in the English Family, were Col. 
Turner, Benj. Marston, James Linda]], Timothy Lin- 
dall, Thomas Plaisted, John Higginson, Stephen Se- 
wall, Benj. and Wm. Pickman, Thos. Ellis, John 
Pickman, Wm. Bowditch, Wm. Pickering, Benja- 
min, William, John, and Samuel Browne. There 
also appear a few papers bearing the name of Rich- 
ard Derby, most probably the grandson of the mer- 
chant Roger Derby of 1671. 

Among the Salem Merchants from about 1640 to 
1670, certainly, Capt. Geo. Corwin (Curwin) stands 
prominent, and one of his Account Books, kept with 
great neatness, is &till extant, and in the possession 
of a descendant. 


rounded sketch can be made. As a small con- 
tribution to the Commercial History of Salem 
—a work which needs to be written— it may 
prove not unserviceable. 

Philip English was a native of the Isle of 
Jersey — the descendant of French Huguenots, 
who soughta refuge in that island. Such at 
least is the tradition in his family. His true 
name was not Philip English, but Philippe 
L' Anglois, which, however, Buffering s 'a sea 
change' - by transportation to New England, 
became Philip English, by which name he is 
known, and which he himself finally adopted. 
His baptismal certificate, which has been pre- 
served, reads thus : — 

f" Ex trait du Livrc des Baptessme de 

f "Extract from the Baptismal Register of the 
Church of Trinity Parish, in the Isle of Jersey." 

"Phillipe Son of Jean L'Anglois, was baptized the 
30th day of June, in the Year One Thousand Six 
Hundred and Fifty One— presented for Holy Bap- 
tism by Sir Phillipe De Carteret, Chevalier, Lord of 
St. Ouan [Ovan] and Madame his wife — given by 
copy [or duplicate] by me. 

J. DOREY, Scc'y." 

This Sir Philip Carteret sprang from the Carterets 
of the Seignory of Carteret in Normandy, who for- 
feited their estates there in Henry 2d's reign, by 
adherence to the Crown of England, and were there- 
fore granted lands and offices in the Island of Jer- 
sey, and were distinguished for their services by 
land and sea to the Crown and Country. The Sir 
Phillipe De Carteret, mentioned above, was grand- 


L' Eghsse de la Paroisse De La Trinite En 
L^isle de Jersey \ 

"Phillipe His de Jean IS Anglois, fut Baptize 
he 30e Jour de Juin En Uan Mille six Cents 
(Jinquanle un — presente au Se Baptessme par 
Messire Phillipe de Carteret, Cheua/ier, Seigne- 
ur de St Ouan <5f Madame Sa Femrne — donne 
par Copie par moy. 


There i8 a tradition in one branch of the 
family, that he was the only son of a Hugue- 
not Chevalier — that he came to New England 

father to the Sir Phillipe De C, who in 1651, was 
Gov. of Mt. Orgueil Castle in the I«le of Jersey, and 
then defended it against the Parliamentary forces. 
His father, Sir George Carteret, who married a 
daughter of the Sir Philip in the certificate, is 
often mentioned by Pepys in his Diary, as being a 
high officer in the Navy Department of England. 
His son Sir Philip, named above, married the 
daughter of the Earl of Sandwich, Vice Admiral of 
England, and both the Earl and his son-in-law 
were blown up in the Royal James in the great 
naval engagement off Solebay, May 28, 1672. Some 
of the Carteret family came to N. England temporari- 
ly, after 1700, as would appear by certain letters di- 
rected by them to the English and Touzel families, 
and found among their papers. 

The Isle of Jersey (anciently called Cceserea) is 
one of the Channel Islands, belonging to G. Britain, 
lying thirteen miles off the French Coast, being only 
12 miles in length and 3 in width. It is very fertile, 
and trades freely with the Spanish, and French 
Coasts, and Holland. It is a peculiar Isle— still re- 
taining some of its ancient Feudal Customs — and 
though so near the French Coast, has always repelled 
the French when coming as invaders. 

It may not be amiss here to state that not a few 
of our early Salem families (the men at least) most 
probably came from the Isle of Jersey. The Valpys, 
Lefavois, Beadles, Cabots, among others, seem to 
have come from this beautiful and valiant little 
Norman isle; and a correspondence was long kept 
up (in the English and Touzel and most probably 
other families) with their Jersey relatives. Numbers 
of old family letters in French are yet extant to 
prove this, and also letters in English, the latter 
gradually supplanting the French language in that 

[ran away] to seek his fortune, and was disin- 
herited for marrying thi- lady of his love, the 
only surviving daughter of Will'am Holling- 
worth, a merchant of Salem. This rumor may 
have arisen from the fact, that the Chevalier 
De Carteret presented him for baptism. There 
are no family papers that throw any light up- 
on this rumor, which is perhaps only a rumor, 
and therefore unreliable, 

Philip English came to Salem before 1G70 
in all probability, since he resided in the iami- 
ly of William Ilollingworth before marriage, 
and in 1675 married his daughter. There is a 
tradition that he landed in Salem, a mere boy, 
twelve years of age, having run away from 
Jersey to follow the sea, (his parents being 
unwilling to permit him to go) without a cent 
in his pockets, and going by Mistress Holling- 
worth's house, was welcomed in by that lady, 
who took compassion on his fri^ndlessness, and 
gave him a drink of beer in a silver mug. He 
made Wm. Hollingworth's house his home 
while in Salem, and in 1675 married his daugh- 
ter Mary. 

The tradition runs, that Wm. Hollingworth, 
who in 1675 was in Virginia, trading, wrote 
home to his wife that he had secured a very 
good husband for his daughter Mary, viz. one 
of his Virginia friends. To which Mrs. Hol- 
lingworth promptly replied, that ho need give 
himself no trouble on that score, since she had 
already given her daughter to Philip English ! 
Shortly afterwards Wm. Hollingworth was 
killed by the Indians there. 

Susanna (should be Mary) Hollingworth 
(according to Dr. Bentley of Salem, in a letter 
which he wrote to Timothy Alden Jr. who 
was preparing a sketch of Rev. Joshua Moo- 
dey, one of the Portsmouth ministers, and 
which is found in the Mass. Hist. Coll. of 1809, 
vol. 10 pages 64-5-6 First series,) was the "only 
*daughter" "of Mr. Hollingworth, a rich in- 

*Mary Hollingworth was the daughter of Wm. and 
Elinor Hollingworth. He was a merchant in Salem, 
trading with Virginia, where a branch of the Hol- 
lingworth family, we are told, is still to be found. 


habitant of Salem," and 4, had received a better 
education than is common even at this day 
(1809.) as proofs. 1 hold, sufficiently dincover." 
The tradition in the family is. that she had 
been the pupil of a Madame Piedmonte, who 
was a celebrated instructress of that day in 

William, himself, was the son of Richard, who came 
to Salem from England in 1035, with hid family, and 
who was a shipbuilder. He was a man of means, 
and built in 1640, on the Neck, a ship of 300 tons 
He left two sons, — William, who married Elinor Sto- 
rey, about 1655, and Richard, who was married to 
Elizabeth Powell by Gov. Endecoti, in 1659. The 
firmer was the merchant. The latter obtained a 
grant from Gen'l Court in 1673-4, of 500 acres of 
land, but he and a part of his family soon emigrated 
to Virginia. The name soon afterwards disappears 
from this State, so far as we can find. Dr. Bentley 
eays that the family was a wealthy one. Some few 
of their papers yet remain in the English family. 
Philip English married this Mary, the only daugh 
ter, surviving, of the above-named William and 
Elinor Hollingworth, and the name on that side be- 
came extinct with William, (son of William the 
merchant,) who died unmarried, in 1688. Richard's 
family migrated, as has been said, to Virginia. The 
name became extinct in Salem about 1690. 

The Hollingworths were from England, and very 
likely of Hollingworth, in the county of Chester, since 
Burke, in his General Armory, baa the following: 

"Hollingwortb, Hollinsworth, or Hollingsworth, 
(Hollingwortb, Co. Chester; traceable to the year 
1022 Erom this ancient house descends the present 
Robert Hollingworth, of Hollingworth Hall, Esq., 
Magistrate for the Counties of Chester and Lancas- 
ter.) Az. od a bend, ar. three holly leaves vert. 
The family name was formerly spelt Hollynworthe, 
and is evidently derived from the Holly Tree, called 
in Cheshire, "Hollyn Tree," with which the estate 
abounded. Crest. A stag ppr. Motto — JDisce Fe- 
renda Fati." 

It is almost a trite assertion now, but may bear 
repeating, that the early settlers of New England 
were oftentimes the representatives of that liberty- 
loving, staunch, and substantial commonalty of old 
England, which, however loyal it might be, could 
not stoop to tyranny or flattery; but with a self re- 
Bpect based upon its own merits, avoided its na- 
tive land, and sadly, rather than seek to overthrow 
the monarchy by violence. Many of this stamp 
came to Salem, which was indeed considered, and 
for a while, as the refuge for such. 

Boston. Dr B. further states, and alio on the 

authority of Madam Susanna Harthorne, a 
great granddaughter (should be granddaugh- 
ter) of Philip English, that Philip E. "came 
young to America from the Isle of Jersey, lived 
in the family of Mr. Hollingworth," and mar- 
ried his daughter as before stated. In the 
marriage record he (P. E ) is styled merchant. 
This is in 1675 — when he could not have been 
more than 24 or 25 years of age, and therefore 
his business life probably commenced a few 
years before — say about 1670, or perhaps a 
year or two later. 

Shortly after his marriage he is at the Isle 
of Jersey (1676) commanding the ketch Speed- 
well, from Maryland, and agrees to go to the 
Isle of May to load with salt for Now England, 
and return next year to some port in Biscaye, 
or Bordeaux, Rochelle or Nantz. The old pa- 
pers concerning this agreement, being in an- 
cient French chirography, are very hard to de- 
cipher. It is very probable that he loaded fi- 
nally with French merchandize for New Eng. 
land ; there being then a comparatively free 
trade in our Massachusetts colony with all na- 
tions. In looking over his old papers, there 
appear sundry agreements relating to bound 
servants, which may not be uninteresting. He 
appears to have taken quite a number of girls 
from the Isle of Jersey as apprentices in bia 
family, and quite a number of men from the 
same Island to serve "by sea employ." The 
girls serve as apprentices for seven years, but 
the men (probably young men) serve only four 
years. Judging by the old papers, these men 
were let out at sea service, and their wages ta- 
ken by thdir uaistar. We hav9 before us 
the testimony of one Nicholas Chevallier, who 
in 1682-3 was bound to Philip English "for ye 
terme of foure years," and "to Sea Employ" 
When he arrived in New England, he liked 
land service better, and by the consent of 
his master, was bound to Mr. Joseph Lee of 
Manchester. He testifies tbat Mr. Philip En- 
glish has treated him well, and he acquits him 
of the original indenture, &c. Now such ser- 
vants as these, when in "Sea Employ" were 


hired out or let out as sailors ! We have the 
# order of Thomas Ellis, an old Salem mer- 
chant, on Col. Sam'uell Browne another old 
Salem merchant, requesting him to pay Philip 
English the wages (''sari'ice'') of one Win. 
Mackelroy, "his man" on "a voige"'' in 1716-17 
to Barhudoes and Saltitudos in •' the ship Hope- 
well " This hiring out "to sarnice" was not 
much better than the slavery apprentice sys- 
tem. It was the way probably in which these 
bounden servants by "sea employ'" paid their 
masters lor their transportation to this coun 
try from Jersey, France or England — a system 
long since exploded. It is a tradition in the 
family that Philip E. had no less than fifteen 
bound >n servants (male and female) in his own 
family: and considering tho extent of his bus- 
iness, and tho, profit of such service, it is by no 
moans unlikely. There are quite a number of 
euch indentures still to be found among his pa- 

In 1083 Philip E. had so flourished ic busi- 
ness, that he put up a stylish mansion in Sa- 
lem — the frame of which is reported to have 
been brought from England. It was one of those 
ancient. Mansion Houses for which Salem was 
once noted — a venerable, many gabled, solid 
structure, with projecting stories and porches, 
if we remember aright. Down to 1753 it was 
known as "English's great house.''' It stood 
until 1833, when, long since tenantless and de- 
serted, it had become dangerous to the verv 
tread of man or boy, who had the curiosity to 
explore it. It had been built on the lot which 
belonged to a Captain Robert Starr, (who mar- 

*The following copy of a similar "order" may not 
be out of place here: 
"Capt. Jno. I3rown3. 

Sr. — Pleas to pay Mr. Philip English the Sum of 
thirty three pounds Eighteen shillings, Being Due 
to him for his seru'ts [servants] wages in ye Ship 
frindship. [Friendship] und'r [under] ye Comand 
of Capt. Eleaz'-- Lvndsey &. Sam'l Crow, jn her Last 
voyago ffor [for] Bilboa; ye Isle of May, Barbados, 
& home, <fc charge ye same to sd [said] ship's ac- 
co''tt. Yr Humble Seru'nt, 

£n 18s WM. BOWDITCII." 

Salom, Jan'y 1, 1717-8. 

ned one of old Richard llollingworth's daugh- 
ters) and on the eastern corner of Essex street 
and English L^ne, now English street. When 
torn down, there was found a secret room in 
the garret, supposed to have been built after the 
Witchcraft furor, as a place of temporary con- 
cealment in case of a second "outcry."'' In 
1692 this house, as well as his store house, 
was thoroughly *sacked by the mob, when Mr. 
and Mrs. English were arrested for witch- 
craft, and various old family portraits, as well 
as the furniture, destroyed or carried away — 
When Mrs. English returned from New York, 

♦According to the petition of Philip English to 
the Committee of the Gen'l Court, (Hist. Coll. Essex 
Institute, No. 2, page 57,) he losi "a considerable 
quantity of household goods and other things." while 
flying from persecution. Tuis corroborates the tra- 
dition in the family. Dr. Bentley (Hist, of Salem) 
says, — "As soon as Mr. English was apprehended, 
his house was opened, and everything moveable be- 
came free plunder to the multitude." The Family 
Tradition says that his store houses were robbed to 
the amount of £1500. Philip English puts the loss 
by seizure at his Wharf House, at Point of Rocks, 
£ 1183— 2s. For the loss of his estate, the only satis- 
faction he ever got, was from the Administrator of 
George Curwin, Sheriff, to the amount of £60. In 
his petition, Philip English charges that the Sheriff 
and his under officers took away the chief of this a- 
mount £1183-2s though he (P. E.) had given a 
£4000 bond with s-i-ety at Boston. 

Philip English was bitterly incensed against Cur- 
win, who however was only an instrument in this af- 
fair, but obtained no adequate compensation for bis 
losses. "The [General] Court (says Dr. Bentley,) 
made some allowance to Mr. English, but he refused 
it, as not being in a just degree adequate to his loss- 
es from his houses, stores, and other buildings. Af- 
ter his death, his heirs accepted £200, which they 
obtained through the family of Sewall." The Sew- 
alls had been intimately connected with the English 
family in commercial matters, and a lew papers yet 
remain to attest it. 

Philip English appears to hare owned a wharf and 
'waiflHttfce at 'the Point of Rocks, and his wife 
owned in her own right a wharf and ware-house just 
to the eastward of the bottom of English Lane (now 
street,) an inheritance from her mother, Elinor Hoi- 


whither she had fled to save her life, she found 
only a servant's bed in hor houso out of all 
the furniture -which it onco contained. 

From theyea-s 1G75 to 1692 Philip English 
appears to have traded to Bilboa, Barbadoes, St. 
Christopher's, Jersey, Itsle of May, as well as 
several French ports. That trade wag very 
probably based on catching fish on the banks 
— the coast of Nova Scotia — in the bays of 
Newfoundland, and very likely in our own 
immediate *bays alno, and sending tbem to 
Spain, Europe and Barbadoes, and thence tak- 
ing salt, dry goods, or West India produce 
back to New England. There appear to have 
been two classes of vessels then employed in 
our commerce— the regular fishing craft — and 
the foreign traders — both being about the same 
size. Though the foreign traders seem some- 
times to have gone up to fNewfoundland after 
their fish cargo — there being probably depots 
there of prepared fish, yet Winter Island, 
(Salem) was a large depot for cured fish, arid 
almost, if not quite, monopolized that business 

* Fish were very plentiful on our own coasts and 
in our own bays in tho early days of Massachusetts 
— and the early fishermen availed themselves of the 
fact. Among other fish, cod and mackerel seem to 
have been very plentiful near home. Both these 
fish were largely exported. It is most probable that 
our Salem fishermen made good use of the "design' 
of catching mackerel by nets — which was first dis- 
covered by some few fishermen of Hull, — (and as be- 
ing successful on light as well as dark nights* — a 
few years before 1671, and which being freely com- 
municated to the Plymouth colonists became very 
profitable to that colony./ Our own people were not 
likely to be far behind their neighbors in availing 
themselves of the -'design," and sharing the profits 
—See Mass, Hist. Coll. Vol 6— 1st Series— ps> 127 — 
8 — Prince and Bosworth's Petition. 

fit «is most probable that there were large Depos- 
its of Fish at the English , Settlement or Settlements 
in Newfoundland at that time. The Englibh fish- 
ing fleet at N. F. waa a large one, and their fish 
were probably cured on the coasts. That was the 
early fashion at least. As early as 1615 the English 
had 175 vessels fishing at New Foundland, and the 
French , Spanish, and Portuguese had altogether 300 


in Salem. Vessels appeared to get their car- 
goes of fish mainly from thero. 

Wo find quite a number of old commercial 
papers referring to Mr. English's business from 
1G7G to about 1G82 say, but only one or two 
from that date to 1692. The former are most- 
ly in the French language — very difficult to 
decipher— as being in the ancient French wri- 
ting—but proving that his earliest commerce 
was largely to France, Spain and adjacent 
countries. It is very likely that when his 
house and store were sacked in 1G92, many pa- 
pers at and just prior to 1G02 were scattered 
or destroyed. Two papers remain of tho data 
of 1687 and 8, which show him to have been 
trading to St, Christopher's (W.l.)in con- 
nection with Daniel King and Billiard Wil- 
liams, sending thither the ketch Repair, — King 
being then a resident merchant at St. C, and 
signing the accounts. Sugar, rum and molas- 
ses constitute the return cargo. No papers 
referring to the outward cargo remain. It is 
certain that his voyages from 1G75-G to 1G92 
were in the main profitable, since at the latter 
period, he was wealthy, and had probably quit 
going to sea himself some few years before 

In 1692, Philip English was at the heigh* 
of his prosperity. He owned fourteen build- 
ings in town — twenty-one sail of vessels, be- 
sides a wharf and ware house on the Point of 
Rocks (Neck). His wife, before the witch- 
craft "outcry.''' had been considered aristocrat- 
ic, so says Dr. Bentley ; and Philip English 
himself, though wealthy, had held no office in 
town, and had besides been engaged in some 
unsuccessful suits with the f own in regard to 
lands which he claimed of it. These things 
may have contributed to render kirn unpopular 
also. At all events both he and his wife were 
"cried out" against tor witchcraft, and ac- 
cording to Dr. Bentley (Maes. Hist. Coll. vol. 
10 first series pp. 64-5) he was the only per- 
son in Salem Village "distinguished for prop- 
erty and known in the commercial world" who 
was eo accused. Whether in the hour of theit 
prosperity, pride got the better of wisdom, irj* 


the counsels of the English family, we know 
not ; but whatever may have been the sins of 
Philip or his wife, there can be but little doubt 
that ignorant malice and mischief formed one 
ingredient in the persecution, as Dr. B. says 
eome prejudices were at the bottom of the mat 
ter. Philip E. (so runs the tradition in the fam 
ily,) had moreover made himself also obnoxious 
by asserting in public and fearlessly, that the 
charter of the Colony had been violated, and 
in various ways, by the Colonial government 
— that there was no religious toleration to be 
had under it as construed by the authorities, 
lie was himself an Episcopalian, and desired 
toleration for that creed, and felt that he 
eould not obtain it. He adhered to his re- 
ligious creed with great pertinacity, and even 
as late as 1725, was imprisoned in our Salem 
jail (according to Felt) for refusing to pay 
church taxes to the East Parish Congrega- 
tional Church — though he was then in his 
75th year, and though for more than 50 years 
he had been a well-known merchant in Salem. 
It was not until 1732 that the law was passed 
releasing Episcopalians from paving taxes for 
the support of Congregational churches. The 
Quakers, even, were released from similar bur- 
dens in 1728, four years before ! This seems 
to indicate that the Colonial authorities were 
more indulgent to the latter than the former. 

Now as the religious history of Massachu- 
setts is the history of the State, certainly down 
to 1692, and even later— as is proved by such 
and similar laws, — we can readily see that 
Episcopalians wero practically a proscribed 
sect. Thrust out from civil government, in the 
Colony, in 1631, by the law of freemanship, 
they wero not practically restored to their 
rights, even after the ^.royal restoration. The 
religious sentiments, hopes, faiths and fears of 
the Colonists were against them. To tolerate 
thom was to tolerate the tyranny of that 
church which had driven the Puritans and 
Pilgrims over the sea, and was only waiting 
and biding its time for spiritual dominion again 
over them. It was most probably no recommen- 
dation to Philip English, in the days of 1692, 

that be was an adherent to the church of Eng- 
land ; and it may be that this fact cost him 
influence, power and respect in the communi- 
ty during his long business life. Salem, to 
be sure, was at first considered, and for a 
while, as the shelter of the moderate Episcopa- 
lians, but Congregationalism soon triumphed, 
and did not relax its rule until 1732, In 1734 
St. Peter's Church began to rise as a monu- 
ment of a hard-won toleration. Before that, 
some Episcopal missionary, like Pigot, might 
collect (perhaps privately) the adherents of 
the Episcopal Church here together for wor- 
ship, and baptize their children according to 
its rites and forms, but Episcopacy was an 
outlaw and an alien in tho sight of our New 
England Congregationalism. 

Philip English must, we think, have shared 
to a greater or lesser extent the odium attach- 
ing to the English Church ; and his bold ad- 
vocacy for its toleration could only have re- 
coiled upon himself in the day of trouble and 
calamity. The causes of the witchcraft perse- 
cutions of 1692 were various and multiform. 
The principal cause was doubtless a belief in 
the guilt of the accused, as a general rule, 
but there is too much reason to fear that the 
morbid condition and anger of the public 
mind at that day, resulting from a peculiarly 
distressing combination of civil evils in the 
Colony, were also eager and prepared to seek 
victims for their own unjust sufferings, and 
that there were also working with them for mis- 
chief the elements of personal prejudice, per- 
haps personal malice and uncharitablenesE. — 
That storm had been long brewing, and con- 
tained as many ingredients as the cauldron of 
the Macbeth witches, — all terrible, and all 
deadly. It is hard to tell which was the more 
fatal ingredient, — though if any was, it was 
the bigotry, that, clothed in the name of Re- 
ligion, was burning with every unholy fire — 
an awful fanaticism, under the guise and with 
the seeming inspiration of a true enthusiasm. 

That storm burst mainly on the humblei 
ones of the community, many of whom, how- 
ever, proved that they were really the loftjr 


ones of the earth in heroio courago, in true 
virtue, in a rare enduring and meek patience, 
and Christian submission to an unjust and 
peculiarly ignominious doom. It is impossi- 
ble to read the letter, as an instance, which 
Mary Easty, of Topsficld, wrote after condem- 
nation to the Judges of the Court in Salem, 
(see Upham's Witchcraft) without seeing and 
feeling that some who perished in that terri- 
ble persecution were really the salt of the 
earth, and met their fate with a Christian 
meekness so touching that it will bring tears 
into the eyes of the readers through all the gen- 
erations. Mary English herself, though she es- 
caped a public execution by flight to New 
York, was really a martyr to this persecution, 
for she died, says Dr. Bentley, (in the before 
quoted article of his,) "in consequence of the 
ungenerous treatment eha received," and the 
tradition in the family is, that owing to her 
exposure in our Salem jail, in which she was 
confined, (Dr. Bentley says six weeks,) she 
contracted a consumption, lingering, howev- 
er, until 1694. She lived to see the witchcraft 
madness pass away, and to die of its effects, 
freely forgiving, however, those who had in- 
jured her. 

On the 21st April, 1692, and "from some 
prejudices," says Dr. B., Mrs. English "was 
accused of witchcraft,* examined, and com- 
mitted to prison in Salem. Her firmness is 
memorable. Six weeks she was confined ; but 
being visited by a fond husband, her husband 
was also accused and confined in the same 
prison. Bj the intercession of friends, and by 
a plea that the prison was crowded, they were 
removed to Arnold's jail in Boston till the 

*Any one desirous of reading a vivid life-like 
description of an examination of one accused of 
witchcraft, will find it in Jonathan Cary's letter, 
page 71 of TJpbam's Lectures on Witchcraft. The 
parties there were of Charlestown, and the examina- 
tion appears to have taken place in the First Church 
in Salem. The philosophy of witchcraft is well ex- 
posed in this graphic and touching letter, as well as 
th© inhumanity resulting from the judicial prejudice 
against it. 

time of trial/' Dr. Bentley Bays, in his Ilia, 
tory of Salem, that the officer who arrested 
Mrs. English, came in the evening and read 
his warrant in her bed chamber, whither ho 
had been admitted by the servants, but 6ho 
refused to rise. Guards were placed around 
the house, and in tho morning she attended 
the devotions of her family, kissed her chil- 
dren with great composure, proposed her plan 
for their education, took leave of them, and 
then told the officer "she was ready to die." 
So says Dr. B. She was evidently so persuad- 
ed from the first that accusation of witchcraft 
was equivalent to condemnation, that she only 
expected death, and prepared herself for it. 

Mrs. English was (according to Dr. Bent- 
ley) examinod and committed by indulgence 
to custody in a public house, at which her 
husband visited her. There is a tradition in 
the family, that, before her own examination, 
she was placed in a room directly over the ex- 
amining Judges, and heard through the thin 
partition the examinations of some of the ac- 
cused — and that she took some notes of these 
examinations — particularly of the questions 
asked by the magistrates, and when her own 
turn came, she asked them if such things were 
right and lawful, and told them Bhe would 
know of the higher Courts whether such 
things were law and justice, and that their 
decisions should be reviewed by the Superior 
Judges. Her husband, according to tradition, 
was absent from Salem when she was exam- 
ined, but soun returned. The family tradi- 
tion is, that she was confined in tho second 
story of a tavern, which stood just above Mar- 
ket Square, on the northern side of Essex St., 
and which Felt, in his Annals of Salem, calls 
the "Cat and Wheel.' 1 '' Here her husband 
frequently visited her, which soon brought 
him into trouble, as on the 30th April, (ac- 
cording to Felt) a warrant was issued for the 
arrest of Philip English for witchcraft, but 
he avoided being taken. Two warrants seem 
to have been issued against him. The tradi- 
tion in the family is, that he kept himself out 
of the way for a while, being ia Boston, en- 


deavoring to obtain tho removal of his wife 
thither, and to obtain the interest cf the au- 
thorities in her behalf, and that then he vol- 
untarily surrendered himself, more particular- 
ly as he found his own absence was being used 
to the prejudice of his wife. He appears to 
have been examined in Salem, and was then 
committed to prison, and with his wife. 

Dr. Bantley gives as one of the causes of tho 
accusation against Mrs. English, that she had 
been considered aristocratic and haughty in 
her bearing towards the poor— that "some 
prejudices" were at the bottom of it. The 
family tradition says nothing as to the causes 
of her arrest, but that her servants were over- 
whelmed with grief wh^n she was arrested, 
and wished to resist the officers, which she 
would not permit. 

She seems to have been a woman of relig- 
ious sensibilities, for as early as 1681 she was 
admitted a Congregational church member, 
and has left behind her the following religious 
Acrostic, which was put into our hands by a 
lady of Boston, one of her descendants : - 

"M ay I with mary chues ye bettar part 
A ml serue ye lord with all my heart 
B. eseue his word most Joyfully 
Y Hue to him eternily. 

B ueiiitiing god I pray 

N euer leue me for to stray 

G iue me grace the to obay 

L ord grant that I may hapy be 

I n Jesus Christ eternille 

S aue me deer lord by thy rich graco 

H eaven then shall be my dweling plase." 

This acrostic certainly breathes a very dif- 
ferent spirit from that which she is charg- 
ed with possessing in 1692. The acros- 
tic is not dated, but was evidently written af- 
ter marriage, and perhaps after she had been 
admitted to the church in 1681. At that 
time, certainly, she seems to have been humble 
in mind "and heart. 

Mr. and Mrs. English were finally removed 
from our Salem jail to Boston, (the stone jail 
there,) together and on tho same day with 
Giles Cory, Geo. Jacobs, senior, Allice Par- 
ker, Ann Pudeater and Bridget Bibhop, alias 
Oliver. Of those, all perished except them- 

selves. Bridget Bishop, alias Oliver, was th e 
first victim to the witchcraft madnPFi of 1692. 
Giles Cory was pressed to death for ref iping 
to plead to his indictment, and Alice Parker 
and Geo. Jacobs, senior, were hung. It is his 
trial, as painted by some American artist, and 
presented by tho Messrs. Ropes, which deco- 
rates tho entry of Plummer Hall. Philip En- 
glish and wife only escaped death by fiighC 
from jail to New York. 

It is a tradition in tho family that several 
of the Boston clergy espoused the cause of Mr. 
and Mrs. English when confined in jsil there ; 
that Cotton Mather, who was a great friend' 
of Mrs. E., said, that though she was accused, 
"he did not believe her to be guilty; that her 
accusers evidently believed her to be so, but 
that Satan was most probably deceiving them 
into that belief' — a very ingenious defence in 
fact against all accusations o f the kind. The 
tradition further runs, that their friends re- 
peatedly urged Mr. and Mrs. E. to flee to New 
York, and that some New York merchants, 
who knew Mr. English, sent on a carriage for 
himself and wife to escape in. This Mr. En- 
glish was unwilling at first to do, saying 
"that he did not believe they (the courts) 
would shed innocent blood." He, however, 
had soon reason to believe the opposite, and 
f^ed. The tradition in the family is, that the 
State authorities were cognizant of the plot 
for the escape and aided in it. 

Dr. Bentley in his letter to Alden (Mass. 
Hist. Coll. vol. 10 First series pp 65-6) thus 
details the circumstances in regard to the es- 
cape of Mr. and Mrs. English from Boston. — 
Before referring to it, we will state that the 
Rev. Joshua Moodey (mentioned as being con- 
cerned therein) was indeed a rare man for that 
age. About the year 1658 he began to preach 
in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. "His inde- 
pendent and faithful manner of preaching, and 
the strictness of his church discipline" brought 
down on his head in 1684 the wrath of Lieut. 
Gov. Cranfield of that Province, who indicted 
and imprisoned him under the Uniformity act, 
and dismissed him after thirteen weeks impris. 


onment with a charge to preach no more on 
penalty of further imprisonment. This drove 
him to Boston, where ho preached until 1692. 
At that time he boldly espoused tho causo of 
Mr and Mrs. English — openly justified Mr. E, 
and in defiance of tho popular prejudices de- 
nounced the prevailing Witchcraft persecution. 
This brought down upon him the wrath of not 
a few influential persons in his own society, 
and he was obliged to leave Boston in conse- 
quence. He was gladly welcomed back to 
Portsmouth, and by a parish by whom he was 
greatly beloved, and thence remained with 
them. In 1634 he was offered the Presidency 
of Harvard College, which he modestly decli- 
ned. Dunton, who was in Boston in 1686, 
epeaks of Mr. Moodey as assistant to Mr. Al- 
len, and "well known by his practical writ- 
ings.'* Cotton Mather preached his funeral 
sermon and called him "that man of God T' — 
It is evident that he was a bold, fearless, able 
man, seeing clearly through the delusions of 
his age ; while his treatment of his personal 
enemies proves him to have been as magnani- 
mous and noble, as he was brave and able. — 
Mr. Alden in his Account of the Religious So- 
cieties in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, (Mass. 
Hkt. Coll. vol. 10 First series pp. 37 to 72) 
does justice to Mr. Moodey, and Dr. Bentley 
adds further proof, in the account he gives of 
Mr. Moodey's services to Mr. English, as ob- 
tained from a grand-daughter of Mr. E., and 
which we now quote in connection with the 

Says Dr. Bentley, writing to Mr. Alden, and 
concerning Mr. Moodey, "In Boston, upon 
giving bail, they (Mr. and Mrs. English) had 
the liberty of the town, only lodging in pris- 
on. Upon their arrival Messrs. Willard and 
Moodey visited them and discovered every dis- 
position to console them in their distress. On 
the day before they nere to return to Salem for 
trial, Mr. Moodey waited upon them in the 
prison, and invited them to the publick wor- 
ship. On the occasion he chose for the text, 
If they persecute you in one city, elee to 

another. In tho discourse, with a manly free- 
dom, he justified every attempt to escape from 
the forms of justice, when justice was violated 
in them. After service Mr. Moodey visited 
the prisoners in the gaol, and asked Mr. En- 
glish whether he took notice of his discourse? 
Mr. English said he did not know whether he 
had applied it as he ought, and wished some 
conversation on the subject. Mr. Moodey then 
frankly told him that his life was in danger, 
and he ought by all means to provide for an 
escape. Many, said he, have suffered. Mr. 
English then replied, God will not suffer them 
to hurt me. Upon this reply Mrs. English 
said to her husband, do you not think that 
they, who have suffered already, are innocent? 
Ho said yes. Why, then, may not we suffer 
also? Take Mr. Moodey's advice. Mr. Moo- 
dey then told Mr. English that if he would not 
carry his wife away, he would. He then in- 
formed him that he had persuaded several wor- 
thy persons in Boston to make provision for 
their conveyance out of the colony, and that a 
conveyance had been obtained, encouraged by 
the Govenour, gaoler, &c, which would come 
at midnight, and that proper recommendations 
had been obtained to Gov. Fletcher of New 
York, so that he might give himself no concern 
about any one circumstance of the journey ; 
that all things were amply provided. The 
Governour also gave letters to Gov. Fletcher, 
and at the time appointed, Mr. English, his 
wife, and daughter were taken and conveyed 
to New York. He found bofore his arrival 
that Mr. Moodey had despatched letters, and 
the Governour, with many private gentlemen, 
came out to meet him ; and the Governour en- 
tertained him at his own house, and paid him 
every attention while he remained in the city. 
On the nest year he returned'* (to Salem). 

"In all this business Mr. Moodey openly jus- 
tified Mr. English, and, in defiance of all the 
prejudices which prevailed, expressed his ab- 
horrence of the measures, which had obliged a 
useful citizen to flee from the executioners. — 
Mr. Moodey was commended by all discerning 
men, but he feit the angry resentment of the 

A 9. 


deluded multitude of his own times, among 
whom some of high rank were included. tie 
soon after left Boston, and returned to Ports, 

"Mrs. English died in 1694, at 42 years oi 
age, in consequence ot the ungenerous treat- 
ment she had received. Her husband died at 
84 [86] years of age, in 1734 [1736]." 

"This is the substance of the communica- 
tion made to me at different times from Mad- 
am Susanna Harthorne, his great-granddaugh- 
ter [granddaughter] who died in Salem 28 Au- 
gust, 1802, at the age of 80 years, who receiv- 
ed the account from the descendants of Mr. En- 
glish, who dwelt upon his obligations to Mr. 
Moodey with great pleasure." 

Such is the version which Dr. Bentley gives 
of this affair, told by a granddaughter of Mr. 
E., and which we doubt not is a correct one — 
though the tradition in another branch of the 
family varies from this in stating that Philip 
E. and his wife escaped from the Church in a 
♦coach after service 3 some of his friends aid- 
ing, and assisting him by crowding back the 
officers as if accidentally, and locking them in 
the church, until the fugitives were well out 
of reach. Both Dr. B.'s version and the tra- 
dition agree that the Governor and high State 
officers were privy to, and encouraged the es- 
cape, and Thos. Brattle in his letter of Oct. 8, 
1692 (Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. 5 & 6th, First se- 
ries) indirectly confirms the truth of this, when 
he wonders why no requisition had ever been 
made for Mr. and Mrs. E., at the hands of the 

*Dr. Benjamin F. Browne, of Salem — who is well 
versed in our local traditions and antiquities — 
informs us that the tradition in his younger days 
was, that Philip E. escaped from Boston on 
horseback, having first reversed the shoes on his 
horse's feet, so as to appear to be entering, instead 
of departing from the city. Dr. Bentley does not 
give the particulars of his escape — the means em- 
ployed—and the two traditions have seeming discrep- 
ancies, which, however, could be reconciled, were it 
worth the time to attempt it. The escape from prison 
was easy indeed. The only danger lay in arrest by 
ignorant officers, or an excited people. 

New York authorities, though it was well 
known that the fugitives had gone thither. — 
Brattle uses this strange neglect as a proof that 
the authorities in Massachusetts could not be- 
lieve witchcraft to be a crime equal to that of 
murder (then the general belief) or Mr. and 
Mrs. E., would have been demanded of Gov. 
Fletcher. Brattle ably opposed witchcraft, but 
did not then of course see that the escape of 
these parties was a premeditated thing on the 
part of the authorities — who for once were cer- 
tainly inconsistent as to law — but then consis- 
tent — thoroughly so with justice and mercy — 
the true consistency. 

Mr. Moodey had to leave Boston in conse- 
quence of his share in this transaction — but 
only to return to the arms of a congregation 
who had never willingly given him up. He 
died universally lamented, and with a rare 
modesty appears not to have left a line among 
his papers which refers in any way to his con- 
nection in this matter. It is thus by the tra- 
ditions of the English family, as preserved by 
Dr. Bentley, that we get an insight into the 
manliness and worth of this man, who equally 
dared to face the wrath of the New Hampshire 
Government or Massachusetts people in the 
cause of right and justice, and who, standing 
far above his age, saw from the mountain top 
the clear sun-light of truth, when all was mist 
and darkness in the valley below. 

The winter of 1692-3 and the succeeding 
spring, were days ot terrible suffering for Sa- 
lem, particularly that winter. Mr. English, 
anticipating somewhat of this misery, sent on 
from New York during the winter one hun- 
dred barrels of flour for the poor, who, he was 
afraid, "would suffer in his absence." The 
town was then indeed in a terrible state. The 
witchcraft madness and terror— the executions 
— the numerous arrests — the accusations on 
all sides — the flight of the inhabitants, over a 
quarter part of whom fled — the general gloom, 
and the utter prostration of business, had all 
depressed Salem beyond imagination. In 1693 
the storm was over, and people were themselves 


again Mr. E. then returned to Salem, and 
was welcomed back by Kev. Mr. Noyes, who 
was very attentive to him ever after. The Town 
expressed its joy at his return by bon-fires and 
a general rejoicing. Mrs. E., however, return- 
ed home an invalid, only to dio. Mr. E. found 
moreover, that his house had been sacked by 
the multitude', and goods attached and taken 
from his stores by Sheriff Curwen to the a- 
mount of £1.183. He sued Curwen, laying 
his damages at £1,500, but never recovered.— 
It is very probable that Curwen sheltered him- 
self under the law of confiscation against those 
escaping from prison when accused of capital 
crimes. Philip English thought his case a hard 
one, for he had given £4000 bail in Boston for 
his appearance, and was, perhaps, then legal- 
ly liable for that amount, in addition to the 
sum Curwen attached. His wife's health was 
ruined — his goods gone — his business for the 
time broken up, and he after all an innocent 
man ! The only pecuniary satisfaction ho ev- 
er got was £60 paid him by the administrator 
of the estate of George Curwen, the late Sher- 
iff. This whole affair was a terrible trial to 
Mr. E., and perhaps was one cause of the dis- 
ease, (clouding of the mind) under which he 
labored the last two years of his life. The loss 
of his wife, and under tho circumstances, was 
a severe blow— a wife, too, whom he tenderly 
] ove( i — and in addition to this came the loss of 
property to no small amount, and most unjust- 
ly. He petitioned the General Court with oth- 
ers for pecuniary satisfaction in this matter, 
but refused the amount tendered him, being 
entirely inadequate. . 

Mr. English set about repairing his fortunes, 
having children to bring forward, and seems 
to have entered into business again with fresh 
spirit and energy, though not with tho good 
fortune, perhaps, he had met with prior to 
1692. From 1689 to 1711 Salem merchants 
suffered severely at the northward, from tho 
*French and Indians. In 1697 Salem had lost 

*Salem fitted out privateers in this old French 
war, which did some damage to the enemy, and nev- 

sorne 54 out of its 60 fishing ketches, and as 
the fishing business was the staple interest, the 
town became so poor, with continued losses up 
to 1711, that it could not repair its fortifica- 
tions as ordered by the Governor that yoar. — 
Its fishing kotches were captured by French 
fleets in the Bays of Newfoundland, off the 
coast of "Acadia,'' and near Cape Sable. The 
Indians, instigated probably by the French, 
shot down the crews from ambush, when a- 
sbore, and French privateers, and even pirates 
preyed on these ketches. In 1689 Government 
had to send a vessel of war to scour our bay 
and coast for pirates, and in 1704 Major Sew- 
all of Salem, captures some of these outlaws 
who have been taking fishing shallops at the 
Isle of Shoals. Our Salem fishermen persever- 
ed as well as they could. In 1699 they sent 
out a fleet of fourteen vessels, but were almost 
discouraged in 1711 by their repeated losses. — 
Philip English was engaged in this business, 
and sent out his ketches, and suffered, doubt- 
less, in common with his neighbors. He, how- 
ever, was engaged in other trades — sent his 
ketches, sloops, brigantines to JB irbadoes and 
other British West Indias— fSurinam in Dutch 

er seems to have refused her quota of men and means 
either by land or sea, in any of the wars of the Col- 
ony. (See Felt's Annals passim.) As one proof of 
this, we find that in March, 1674, Edward Rawson, 
our colonial Secretary, informs the Governor and 
Council of Connecticut that the Ketch Swallow of 
Salem, 60 tons, 12 guns, and 60 men, Capt. Richard 
Sprague, and the Ketch Salisbury, of nearly the 
same tonnage, 8 guns and 40 men, Capt. Sam'l Mose* 
ly, were ready to sail, and cruise up and down the 
Sound "on the service of the Colonies." Felt men- 
tions this of Salem, the "service" being perhaps to 
watch the Dutch — then dreaded. 

The Privateer history of Salem dates perhaps from 
this old French war, and as a precedent was not for- 
gotten, it is likely, in the days of the Revolution, a 
century later. 

fThe following letters of instruction of Philip En- 
glish to two of his oaptains — one his son, William 
English, the other, John Touzell, a son-in law— may 
be of some interest, both as connected with this nier 


Guiana — Maryland — Virginia — Rhode Island - 
chant, and as illustrating the commercial history of 
the times. 

Salem in New England, > 
ye 9th day of June, 1712. { 
Wm. English. — You being master of the Slope 
[sloop] Mary, & hauing Laden yo'r vessell, you are 
to attend yo Laws and Customes of this place delat- 
ing to Clearing of said vessell and Goods, you are to 
take ye first opportunity of wind and weather, and 
sett saile, Directing yo'r Course for Seyrinam, [Sur- 
inam, Dutch Guiana,] where you are now bound, and 
when it shall please god to bring you safe there, you 
are to attend ye Laws and Customes of that place in 
Respect to Entring yo'r vessell and goods, and then 
you are to deliver yo'r goods according to bills of 
lading, and receiue yo'r freight (money) and what 
goods you haue of ours consigned to your selfe, you 
are to make sale of for Malasses so to Lode your ves- 
sel home here for New England, and it in case cur 
Effects, both of goods and freight, doth net produce 
a full loading for said vessell, Then take what fraight 
you can for Salem or Boston, and if you have more 
of our Effects as aforesaid then will Lade your ves- 
sell with Mallasses, we leaue it wth you to Lay out 
in such things as you shall think most Benefitiall 
for ye owner of sd vessell, and for to Loade in yc 
same for ye owner's profitt. Be sure make no debts, 
and so, haueing Loaden yo'r vessell in Seyrinam, 
and done yo'r Consearnes, you are to cleare yo'r ves- 
sell and goods so that no Damage may accrue to 
your owners and Imploy'rs. So haueing no more at 
present, but wishing you a good and prosperous voy- 
age, and a safe returne to Salem in New England, 
Again We Rest yo'r Loueing Owners, 



Salem, May ye 2d, 1722. 
Mr. John Touzcl. — S'r, you being appointed mas- 
ter of my sloop Sarah, now Riding in ye Harbour of 
Salem, and Ready to saile, my Order is to you that 
you take ye first opportunity of wind and weather to 
saile and make ye Uest of yr way for Barbacloes or 
Leew'd Island, and there Enter and Clear yr vessel 
and Deliver yr Cargo According to Orders and Bill 
of Lading, and make Saile of my twelve Hogsh'd of 
fish to my Best advantage, and make Returne in yr 
vessel or any other for Salem, In such Goods as you 
shall see best, and if you see Cause to take a fraight 
to any part or hire her, I lciue it with your Best 
Conduct, Managem't or care, lor my best advantage. 
So please God to give you a prosperous voyage, I 
Remain yr Eriend and Owner, 


Endorsed "My sailing orders to Barbadoes." 
In connection with the Barbadoes trade, it may 
not be out of place here to append the following let- 
ter from Samuel Sewall, which, with other evidence 
in our possession, proves that in our early Commerce, 
some of our Salem or Massachusetts men went to the 
British West Indies and acted as commission mer- 
chants thoro. Barbadoes seems to have been one of 

*New Hampshire — Connecticut — Ireland- 

the principal markets so sought. At a later day the 
same practice obtained in the East Indies, when our 
Salem commerce was diverted thither. This Samuel 
Sewall charges in his subsequent account, commis- 
sions 5 per cent., storage and portage 1\ — the cur- 
rent rates probably of that day. 

To Mr. Wm. English, merchant in Salem, New Eng- 

Barbadoes, Feb'y 4, 1712. 
Mr. William English. Sir. — These wait on you by 
Matthew Estis via Saltertuda [sometimes spelt Sal- 
titudos,] with enclosed account Sales for yo'r Eight 
hhds fish which came to a miserable markett, Tho I 
think I sold to ye heighth of ye markett. Im heart- 
ily sorry I can give you no better Inconrageui't. I 
snail observe yo'r orders in ye returns, and make all 
reasonable dispatch — pleas to acquaint yo'r father I 
have rec'd his Thousand of staves per Woodbridgo, 
but have not yet sold them, they are very low, and 
sold at 50s pr M. I cannot Inlarge, but am 
Sr yo'r ready and Obe't Ser't, 


Saltertuda or Saititudos we have discovered to be 
only a corruption of Salt Tortaga, an island near the 
Spanish Main. 

•According to the 2d Book (B.) of the old Colo- 
nial Custom House in Salem, which book is now in 
the posssssion of Benj. Browne Esq., who inherited 
it from his ancestor Gerrish, the Collector, Philip 
English wa? trading in 1695 to New Hampshire, in 
1696 to Virginia, in 1698 to Medara [Madeira] and 
Barbadoes. According to the same vol., Surinam, 
Virginia and Barbadoes were favorite places of trade 
for various Salem merchants, from 1700 to 1715 say, 
or later. The first vol. of these Custom House 
Records (A.) is unfortunately lost. 

By New Hampshire, as mentioned in this old 
Colonial Custom House Book, Portsmouth, N. H., 
is perhaps intended, for P. was largely visited by 
vessels. In 1681 (according to Cooper — Naval Hist. 
IT. S.) no less than 47 vessels entered that port. 

Philip E. also traded to Rhode Island and Con- 
necticut, certainly after 1700, as is evident from his 
son William's letters and accounts. According to 
Trumbull, Connecticut maintained a very humble 
marine of her own even as late as 1713. In 1G80 she 
had 24 vessels, with a total of 1050 tons, trading be- 
tween that Colony and Boston, New Foundland, the 
West Indies &c, and in 1713, 2 Brigs, 20 Sloops, 
and a number of smaller craft, No. of seamen 120! 
Mass. had then some 20,000 tons of shipping, and 
some 3000 seamen. Newport, in Rhode Island, was 


Isle of Jersey — FJngland, and perhaps Holland. 
It is most probable that P. E. whs engaged in 
trade with some of these places prior to 1692 ; 
but many of his earlier commercial papers were 
most prubab'y scattered, if not destroyed, when 
his house and warehouse were sicked that year, 
A few papers are found of commercial interest, 
running from 1694 to 1720. From these 
and various commercial items we find in other 
quarters, the subsequent remarks are based. 

When P. E began business in Salem, say in 
1670* or thereabouts, the town was already 
recovering probably from the "smite on all 
employments," that Hull mentions in 1665. In 
1664, Josselyn said there were some rich mer- 
chants in Salem. It is not be wondered at 
that our old town should have flourished. — 
Admirably situated for the fishing t.ade, and 
the foreign trade then connected with it, and 
the shipping needed for both trades— enjoying 
a comparative free trade with the world, un- 
hampered by the Plantation Act, without even 
a Custom House Office established by Parlia- 
ment, Salem might have been the envy of some 
of the Briti-h seaports which had at home 
to conform fo rules, from which Salem, in 
common with our Massachusetts sea ports, 

then, doubtless, the great Southern New England 
Port, as in 1737 she owned \0Q sail of different 
So says Cooper. 

In the 1st vol. Booke of Reeordes for masters, 
page 85, Aug. 23, 1710, Phillip English and Eleazer 
Lyndsey, ot Salem, let their Brigantine Neptune to 
Leonard Abbott, of Kingstowne, Jamaica, (but then 
resident in Salem.) for a voyage to Jamaica, and 
thence (transporting Abbot? also) to Bay of Oam- 
peache (Campeachy) to load with logwood for Amster- 
dam and Rotterdam, the owners to have as freight 
every twelve tons out of twenty .-hipped — the balance 
forAlbott. It appears from a subsequent protest, 
that the vessel did not sail at the time appointed, but 
may have afterwards. 

* The population of Salem from 16T0 to 1740 may 
be set down as varying from say 1500 in 1670 to 
4500 or 5300 in 1740. This period embraces the 
whole business period of the life of Philip English, 
as well as various other Salem merchants of that 


escaped. Having enjoyed so much commercial 
lib rty under both Charles the First, and 
Cromwell, particularly the latter, and feeling 
a growing consciousness of strength, both 
through that long liberty and its attendant 
success, Salem, in 1670. occupi d a high posi- 
tion in commerce. She wa> also one of the prin- 
cipal ports in the Colony for shipbuilding. From 
1670 to 76 Salem soma to have flourished 
greatly. After that the havoc made by the 
French and Indians among her fishing fleet 
forced her to retrograde for a while. B-'twcen 
these years we find Wayborne, Randolph, and 
the London merchants, alj endeavoring to re- 
strict our trade, (in common with that of the 
Colony) stating that our [Massachusetts] com- 
merce is irregular, that we do not o >nform to 
the acts of trade, that we do not mojjc En- 
gland the magazine* of trade, hut go and come 
and buy and sell where, and as, and when we 
please. This proves our commercial freedom. 
The light burdens, moreover, laid on com- 
merce by the Colony were not seriously felt, 
if we except, perhaps, the duty on grain. 
Even De Ruyter, in 1665, spared us, though 
he "did great spoil" in Newfoundland, and 
again in 1667 the Dutch, though ravaging the 
coast of Virginia, ar.d capturing some of our 

* We have in our posspssioo one of the Plantation 
certificates, dated 1730, and in fuitheranco of tho 
design to make England the inagsizir.e of colonial 
produce. By this, security is given to the chief of* 
ficers of the customs in London, that if the Endeavor, 
a ship or vessel built in New England, of sixty 
tons burthen, and belonging to Salem, shall load any 
sugar, tobacco, eolton wooll, indigo, giDger, fusiick, 
or other aying wood; as also rice, melasses, tar, 
pitch, turpentine, h^mp, masts, yards, bowsprits, 
copper ore, beaver skins, or other furs of the growth, 
production or manufacture of any British planta- 
tions in America, Asia, or Africa, the same commod- 
ities shall be by the said ship or vessel brought to 
some port of Great Britain, and be unloadrn and put 
on sh<-re, the danger of tho seas only excepted. 
Such arbitrary attempts to turn the natural current 
of trade, and aggrandize the mother country at tha 
expense of the Colonies, proved to be one of the moat 
serious causes of the Revolution in later years. 


Vessels and men, yet spared us a visit in New 
England. In 1673 piracy is said to be preva- 
lent, but Salem is not recorded as a direct suf- 
ferer. In 1076 all duties on exports, except 
6d. on horses, are taken off, and not until the 
indefatigable mischievous Randolph returns 
from England as Inspector of Customs, does 
there seem to be serious trouHe in prospect. 
The intervening years up to *1092 were, how- 

* The staple commodities of Massachusetts, about 
1G80, were fish, mackerel, peltry, horses, provisions, 
cider, boards, timber and pipe staves. These our 
traders sent to the West Indies and the Colonial pos- 
sessions, and obtained sugar, rum, indigo, cotton 
wool, tub. .ceo, which were transmitted usually in 
their own vessels to England. Some of their pipe 
Staves, fish, mackerel, &c, were sent to Madeira, and 
western islands, and wines taken thence to New 
England. No great quantity of tar and pitch was 
then made here Some £40,000 or £50,000 of English 
goods ot all sort; 1 were imported yearly. Massachu- 
setts seems to have been poorer in 1680 than in '70. 
See Governor Bradstreet's answers to Lords of the 
Privy Council. Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. 8, 
pp. 335-0. Boston, Charlestown and Salem are there 
called the principal places 'jf trade, idem. 

No export duty upon the produce of Massachusetts 
was imposed in or about 1680, bnt one penny a pound 
upon goods imported, .this was the general tax (it 
seems) upon houses, land, cattle, and other estate of 
the country, yearly. The poll money was 20d per 
head. A small tax was put upon rum, cider, beer, 
Ac. The whole revenue of Massachusetts from these 
sources was only about £15i-0 per annum, out of 
which the government had to be supported, officers' 
salaries paid, fortifications maintained, &c. In the 
times of the Indian wars, ten or fifteen general rates 
Were obliged to be levied upon all men's estates in a 
year, — a severe burden to the Colony. In the years 
1664-5, according to Rawson, the total income of 
Massachusetts was about £1200. 

Besides the troubles occasioned by the Algerine 
pirates to our commerce — the troubles with the 
French at Nova Scotia \ Acadia], who interrupted 
our fishing, and the tyrannical demands of Sir Ed- 
muud AnJros upon our fishermen to pay for the priv 
ilege of fishing— there were the usual accidents of 
trade to meet, and & double custom to be paid by the 
merchants of Massachusetts who imported sugar, 
indigo, cotton wool, <&c, into the Colony, and thence 

ever, gloomy ones. The loss of the charter* — 
the dreaded loss by the Puritar s of their Prot- 
estant privileges— of even the titles to their 
very lands and houses ae a consequent on the 
loss of the charter — the wars and rumors of 
wars which had gathered or were fast gather- 
ing — the public dread of James, as the secret 
ally of France and the Indians as against the 
Colonies — the public and private calamities, 
which were numerous — the belief in witch- 
craft, and the growing belief throughout New 
England that Satan was let loose to do hia 
will, especially in these colonies — these, all 
these causes contributed to render the public 
nerves morbid — the evil imaginations of men 
acute — until as they drank "off the successive 
draughts of these evils, temporal and spiritual, 
they themselves *vent finally mad in all the 
intoxication of calamity. Thus came upon 
the Colony the madness of 1G ( J2. 

During these times Pi ilip English flour- 
ished or suffered with his compeers. In 1694 
he is shipping on the ketch '• P rasp or axis'" 
li Bevj. Stove, Master,"' bound to Baibados, 
certain goods consigned to Major John Pil- 

carried them to England— the full duty being de- 
manded there. Gov. Bradstreet, therefore, asks of 
the King the privilege of free trade, (at loast for 
some ew ships for some time,) to build up the Col- 
ony. Massachusetts was built up commercially by 
an unrestricted trade. See Bradstreet's answer to 
the Lords of the Council, in 1680. Mass, Hist. Coll., 
3d series, vol. 8, pp. 332 to 340. 

Bradstreet's views of the commerce of Massachu- 
setts in 1680, were rather gloomy. Salem, as one of 
the three principal places of trade in Massachusetts, 
must have suffered severely. 

* In the Judgment to vacate the Colonial Charter 
in 1684, among the sins of the Colony are especially 
enumerated the establishment of customs, the coin- 
ing of money and the levying a poll tax. This 
Judgment (a copy) can be found in the Mass. Hist. 
Coll. It is easy to see by this, that Massachusetts 
was regarded in England as having then asserted, 
practically, her independence of the mother country. 
Her spirit, moreover, on various civil occasions, both 
before and after this, proved to be of the indomitable 


gram (Pilgrim ?) in B. She carries fish and 
empty hogsheads, and is to return with Dry 
Goods, viz : "Nails, blew lining. ^Blue linen) 
Osinbrigs, Holland Duck and Cordage if cheap 
there " He mentioned also receiving Rum and 
"Malosses" (Molasses) from the Major at the 
hands of Mr. Benjamin Pitman. This let- 
ter of advice is very well written as a speci- 

* This letter of 1694-5 may have some interest, 
and we therefore will give it entire. The Maj'r John 
Pilgram named was a merchant in Barbadoes, it 
would appear — most probably a Commission Mtr 
chant, and perhaps a native of Massachusetts. 

Salem, Jan'y the 28th, 1C94-5. 

Maj'r John Pilgram, 

Sr. Yours Received p [per] 
Mr. Benjamin Pittman with one Envoice and bill ot 
Loading Enclosed of four hhd of Bum and four hhd 
ot Mailoses. The Rum was in good condition, But the 
Malloses was above one-fourth part Leeked, or taken 
out. Mr. Pitman gives me to understand that it 
was so before it came on Board; Therefore I had 
not any satisfac tion of hiui; the Casks were good 
and ti' e" Sr. these doe likewise signnye mat I have 
Inclosed herein a bill of Lading ot eight hhd. of 
flash for my acco't, and Re.-que which I have Shioed 
on board tue Ketch th« Prosporous Benjamin Stone 
Mastei and consigned to you. If it should please 
God that the saiu Ketch arrive safe at Barbados I In- 
treat you to Receive the said ffish and dispose of the 
same lor me, and Returne the Produce by the same 
Ketch in Barbados goods it to be had (if not) in dry 
Goods (viz) nailes blew lining osmbrigs Holland 
duck Cordage il it be cheap there Knowing not 
what is best I leave it to your discretion to make Re- 
turns in what you think best for my advantage, but 
in case the sd ketch should not Returne hither di- 
rectly Pray send tiie Effects by the first that is bound 
for Salem if Barbados Good.. It English Goods by 
any bound for Sal^in or Boston; ffioh is very scarce 
here is none to be Expected till the Spring Sr I 
have not anything else to trouble you with at pr'sent 
onely my Humble Service to you & your good Lady 
unknowne I Remaine Sr. your 

Most Humble Servant at Command 

Salem 28 day of January, 1694-5. 
Invoice of 8 hhd of ffish shiped on board tbe ketch 
Prosporous Berja. Stone Master upon the Proper 
Acco't & Resque of me Phillip Englisof Salem in 
New England & Goeth Consigned to Maj'r John 
Pilgram in Barbados marked & numbered as pr 
Margent with the Contence of each hhd as foil 

P. E. £. s. d. 

No. 1. To 1 hhd Con't 8£ Quintles att 

15s per Quintle is 6 07 06 

No. 2. To 1 hhd Cont. 7£ Quintles att 

15s per Quintle is 5 12 06 

men of Chirography, and instructs the Con- 
signee, 'If it shall please God that the said 
Ketch arrives safe at Barbados,'" to n <•< ivj bet 
Cargo, &c. A higher power tl an the winds 
and the waves and the fallible < flortn of man 
is indeed recognized in all the old Salem let- 
ters of advice now extant, not of P. E alone, 
but of the Brownes. and others. Nor were 
Mich men indeed the le>s manly or generous (or 
such a belief and acknowledgment, as the no- 
ble legacies for inctance, of the Browues to 
Salem, abundantly prove. 

From 1094 to 1720 Mr. E. sends ketches to 
New Foundland, Cape Sable or Acudie to 
cateh fish, sends these fish to Bar* adues, or 
other English West Indies, Surinam, perhaps 
Spain or the Streights. If to the West Indies 
or Surinam, he sends also lumber, shingles, 
oil (fish and whale?) and staves,* barrels, and 

No. 3. To 6 hhds Cont. C£ Quintles att 
to 8. 15s (id per Quintle is 39 qtls 30 04 06 
To 8 Empty hhds at 5s per 
piece, 2 00 00 

Errors Excepted by me 44 04 06 

* The following memorandum found among the 
English papers, besides giving the names of a few 
wharves in Salem, in 1695, shews the kind of busi- 
ness done at them. 

Aug. 15th — Account of goods taken abord ye Siupe 
prudent Mary. 
15th — taken from Mr. Turner's worfe 18 hund Red 

Oke hh. Staves. 
16th — taken from Capt. Sewel's worfe 5C00 of Shin- 

19 day — Loded on bord from Mr. Brown's worfe 

15 bund of hh. staves, ai d of Mr. Hurst 
fiom Winter Island: 6 hh. of fish G. H. 1 
to 6. 

20 day— taken on bord 4 hh of fish S B 1 to 4. 

2 day — taken on bord from Mr hurst 8 hh ot fish 
G. H. No 7-8 and D. H. aud 12 huudard of 
etaves from Mr. Brown's worle. 

23 day — 4 hh ot fish trom Marvelhed for Capt. Al- 

len BS A 1. 2 BC A3. 4. 

24 day — 13 hundard staves from Mr. Browne's 


25 day — 2 hh fish and 3 bar oyle from Marvel- 

hed S. B No. 5. 6. 

27 day— 2 hh of fish of Mr. Hurst. 

28 day— 4 hh of fish from Mr. Engels of Sam'll 

Browns S. B. 

29 day— to 6 hundard of staves at Mr. Brown'a 



hogsheads. Id return he takes Sugar, Mulas- 

lst September— 3 hund of staves from Mr. Brown's 

worfe — and 41)00 of shingels. 
8 day- 2 hh of fish from Mr. Engol's W H No 12 
for Mr. Hurst, and 1 hh & 1 bar I Q No 
1 2 for Mr. Kitchen." 

Note. The above memorandum seems to imply 
that Turner's, Sewall's, and Brown's wharves were 
devoted to the stave, shingle and lumber business, 
while the fishing trade was confined to Winter Isl- 
and. This agrees well with the history and tradi- 
tions in respect to Winter Island be*ng the great 
depot of the fishing trade even from the settlement 
of the town. 

According to the first "Booke of Recordes for Mas- 
ters, Ac," in the Essex County Court office, Winter 
Island had somo settled "oustomes" of its own. In 
the first of these books, pp. 24-5, Oct. 1700, there ap- 
pear certain depositions of various parties in regard 
to the delivery of fish there. Some of the crew of 
the ship Leonora, Capt. Alexander Bowdidge, refused 
to take a boat load of fish from thence, unless the 
men delivering it for Capt. Benj'n Marston carried 
it down to Fish St , (which was probably close to the 
water) whereupon Nath'l Wallis, aged about 70, and 
Mathew Barton, aged about 58, testify to their cer 
tain knowledge that it hath e\er been the custom of 
"Winter Island for the masters of vessels to receive 
the fish at the end of their flakes at every part of the 
Island. The Island was then well covered with fish 
flakes most probably. 

Winter Harbor was the long Cove which runs into 
the westward of the island, (now Cat Cove) and was 
well adapted for the ketches, sloops and larger shal 
lops then in use. Probably not many even of our 
schooners up to 1740 ranged over 45 tons bur'hen. 
We judge so from a cursory perusal of the two Bookes 
of Kecoides for Masters. 

On the shores of Winter Island or the adjacent 
shores were granted in 1636-7 "half-acre lots"— "for 
fishing trade and to build upon," and among other 
very early merchants settling there was Pasco Foot 
— who was a very enterprising merchant, and died in 

Bight opposite Winter Island Harbor to the west- 
ward was Water-town, a fishing village on the Point 
of Rocks (tho farm lately occupied by Mr. Eben 
Hatborne) which lattei settlement, however, appears 
to have b«'en on privato land. A large population 
dwelt formerly on Winter Island and adjacent shores, Water- town. The Neck at one time is 

ses, Rum and Cotton Wool. He then sends 
from Salem to Maryland or Virginia,* Sugar, 

said to have furnished 100 men capable of bearing 
arms — doubtless a sturdy and hardy set. 

Turner's wharf was at the foot of Turner's street, 
We believe. Sewall's wharf we are at a loss to locate. 
Brown's wharf may be that wharf which a Capt. 
Brown, in 1681, desired to build, and for that purpose 
got the town's interest i Hn the cove down against 
his father's house." See page 141 of vol. 1 Salem 
Records. Whioh of the Browns or Brownes it was, 
does not, however, appear. 

* The following copy of an old printed Bill of 
Lading of 1707, with contents may not be out of 
place here: 

*~g- Shipped by the Grace of God,, in good or- 
^Sy|^ der and well conditioned, by Sam'll 
Ssilralif Browne, Phillip English, Capt. Wm. Bow- 
ditch, Wm. Pickering & Sam'll Wakefield in and 
upon the Good sloop called tue may flower whereof 
is Master under God for this present voyage Jno 
Swasey, and now riding at Anchor in the harbour 
of Salem, and by God's Grace bound for Virginia or 
Merriland — To say, twenty hogshats of Saltt one 
quarter partt on the Acct & Resque v of Sam'll Browne 
— -one quarter on the Acctt & Resque of Philip En- 
glish—one quarter partt on the Acctt & Resque of 
Captt. Wm. Bowditeh and Win. Pickering — one 
quarter partt on the Acctt & Resque of Sam'll Wake- 
field — Being Marked and Numbered as in the Mar- 
gent, and are to he delivered in the like good Order 
and well conditioned at the aforesaid Port of Vir- 
ginia or Merriland (the darger of the Seas only 
excepted) unto Mr. Sam'll Wakefield or to his As- 
signs, he or they Paying Freight for the said Goods 
* * * with Primage and Avarage accustomed. 

In Witness whereof the Master or Purser of the 
said Sloop hath affirmed to Two Bills of Lading, all 
of this Tenour and Bate, One of which two Bills 
being Accomplished the other one to stand Void. And 
so God send the Good Sloop to her desired Port in 
safety. AMEN. Dated in Salem Dec. 24, 


On this Bill of Lading is endorsed: 

"Rec'd. the Contents of the within menshened Bill 
of Layden — per Sam'll Wakefield. 

Uarehnd, May the 31, 1708. 

By another Bill of Lading, not separated, from 
this, and of the same date, Sam'l Browne, Wm. Bow- 
ditch and Wm. Pickering being the shippers, it seems 
the same sloop took the following additional items: 

"To Virginia or Merriland" — "Five tearces of Ma- 
lasses, two hogshuts Rum, twelve barrills RackttSi- 
der, forty Eightt riider pails, two barrils and one fir- 
kin Shugar, forty Eightt Shugar boxes, twenty four 
gallonds & two gallond Runlits, twelve three gal- 
lond and twelve four gallond Runlits, Sixtiene new 


Rum and Molasses, (the result of his West 
India voyages) and in addition, Salt, Cider, 
VV r ooden Ware, Casks, Barrels, Kegs and 
Cans. He takes from thence to Salem, Wheat, 
Indian Corn, Hides, Peltry, Tobacco, Old Iron, 
Pewter, Copper, perhaps also some Dry goods 
imported from England into these countries. 
If there be much Tobacco purchased, it is to 
be sent to London, by some English vessel, and 
sold on P. E's, account, and tho money paid 
to his Banker there. If he sends his fish to 
Spain, the return cargo if Salt from St. Ubes 
or Isle of May, with Wine, we should judge, 
from Fayal or the Wine Islands. We can 
trace one of his voyages to Rhode Island and 
Connecticut, to load with Staves for Ireland ; 
and find some papers, and items In Felts annals, 
which make it very probable that he traded 
with England and Holland. 

His vessels were most probably of the size 
then common in the Colonies, and probably 
all built in Salem. Such were then called 
"Plantation built," They consisted of Sloops, 
which were from 20 to 36 tons burthen, car- 
rying five or six men, Ketches, which were 
from 25 to 45 tons, carrying five or six men, 
and Briganteens, from 60 to 70 tons and car- 
rying from six to eight men. In 1698-9, there 
was a Ship in Salem of 200 tons built here — 

half barrils twelve pecks (!) on the proper Aectt & 
liesqe &c." 

This Bill of Lading has also Sam'll Wakefield's 
receipt as of the Same place, and date with the other. 
Both Bills show some of our Salem exports to Virgin- 
ia and Maryland at that time. 

The following Receipt shows some of the articles 
then brought from Maryland to Salem and the rates 
of their freight. 

Mary Land. "Received on board tho Sloop Mary 
Bound for Salem in New England on accompt of Mr. 
Phillip English Merchant there to say one thousand 
and fifty pounds of Hides, Three hundred Eighty & 
Eight pounds of Iron, Thirteen & | pounds of Brass, 
Eight pounds of puter (pewter) and Two hundred 
fifty five | bushels of wheat, w'ch I promise to de- 
liver to s'd Mr. Phillip English or assignes (danger 
of ye Seas Excepted) he or they paying freight for 
ye same, fforty shillings for ye Hides, Brass & puter 
and Iron — for ye Wheat Eighteen pence per bushel: 
having signed to Two receipts of ye same tenor and 
date the one to be accomplished ye other to stand 
void. I say ree'd 

per Wm English." 

St Mariotffeby 21th 1711-12. 


another then hero of eighty tons. Tho most 
of the Salem Shipping thon averaged from 20 
to 40 tons. Some of bis vessels were named 
from various members of hie family, such for 
instance, as tho sloop Mary, and the brigan- 
teen William and Susannah. Tho cargoes 
carried to Virginia and Maryland 6eem to bo 
worth when sold there, about *£140. It seems 
that Wm. IIolliDg worth, his father in law, 
had been before him engaged in this trade, 
and also Capt. John Brown, son of Elder John 
of Salem. When the Dutch ravaged Virginia, 
about 1607, both these merchants suffered se- 
verely, Wm. H. being captured by the Dutch. 
As an item in regard to these Maryland & Vir- 
ginia voyages, the Captain gets a commission 
of 5 per cent, on sales. Kent Island, Mary- 
land, appears to have been a favorite market, 
to judge by old accounts. 

The Salem trade with Virginia and Mary- 
land flourished (comparatively speaking) be- 
tween 1690 and 1720, though it was impor- 
tant between 1660 and '70. It appears to 
have been a somewhat peculiar trade, owing 
to the peculiar condition of those countries. 
New England had been settled by parties 
gathering into towns, but the former States by 
planters, who scattered themselves over the 
country. Consequently while New England 
had towns, with mechanics, traders, artizans, 
&e., — all concentrated and co-workers, — the 
more southern colonies had a sparse popula- 
tion and no towns, markets, or indeed, capi- 
tal. Tobacco was the principal crop of those 
colonies— was in fact their currency to a good 
degree— and only occupied the planters as a 
crop during the summer, and left them often 
idle and lazy the remainder of the year. They 
also raised wheat, Indian corn, oats, barley, 
pease, and many sorts of pulse in great plen- 
ty, and supplied Barbadoes and the other 
Leeward Islands, and also New England with 
such produce. At the date of 1696, and for 
some years before, the New England colonies 

*This sum is probably only a quarter part of tho 
true value of such voyages. 


had not been able to raise much wheat or In- 
dian com, owing to the early frosts, and had 
to seek their supplies of grain from Virginia 
and adjacent coasts. The sloops and Ketches 
from Massachusetts, which ran to these South- 
ern shores, had to gather their cargoes from 
■wide and scattered plantations, and at great 
loss of time. It was no uncommon thing 
(says a writer in 1696 to 1698, giving an ac- 
count of Virginia — Mass. Hist. Coll., 5th 
vol., 1st series, pages 126 to 129,) for ships to 
be three or four months in Virginia waiting 
for a cargo of tobacco, which might, under 
other circumstances, be dispatched in a fort- 
night's time, and which delay doubled the 
price of freights. It probably took our Mas- 
eschusetts craft a long time to dispose of their 
cargoes under such circumstances, as well as 
get their return cargoes, and it is very proba- 
ble that they pushed their little sloops and 
ketches far into the *cTeeks and bays of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland, traded off their cargoes 
over a wide space, and collected their return 

♦The following note from John English to John 
Touzell, (his brother-in-law) may serve to show 
somewhat of the nature of the Maryland trade at 
that date. Both were in Maryland at the time, col- 
lecting a cargo separately or together, and probably 
for Philip English. It would appear as if barter en- 
tered essentially into the character of this trade: 


"To Capt. John Touzell at Wichicorne Creek: 

Kathorine Creek, Desemb'r 28, 1722. 
Brother Toutel. — This is to let you [know] of our 
welfare hear, and I hope is so with you and the rest 
of you. hear is Capt. Gansby and Capt'n Solter 
hear, and they have got abundance of dry and weat 
(wet!) goods, and Capt. Solter Traids for pork and 
Tar and corn, and he sells Rum for 6 shillings per 
gallon in pork [paid in "pork.] William Paird is 
with Capt'n Gansby. Capt. Ensly is bin bear twis 
(twioe) and he says Nothing about Molasses Nor 
Suger. I baue 3 barrells of pork and 3 of corn — 
the Spineys ows me Corn and pork. I haue bin to 
John Ward's, and he says he will bring it Down to 
me. I haue resiued your Leatter. Father Burkett 
and his wife giues [their love] and I Remain 

Yr Louing Brother, JOHN ENGLISH." 

It is very likely that the various Captains named 
in this note were all Salem men, as they are named 
familiarly, and not as of any other place. 

cargoes with the same difficulty and delay. — 
The writer, who has left us these facts in re- 
gard to the condition of trade in Virginia at 
that date, regrets that that State had not orig- 
inally laid out towns as the New Englanders 
did— with home lots for gardens and orchards, 
outlots for cornfields, and meadows and coun- 
try lots for plantations, with overseers and 
gangs of hands to cultivate them. He says 
this opportunity was lost by the Southerners, 
who seated themselves, without rule or order, 
in country plantations, and that the general 
Assemblies of Virginia, seeing the inconvenien- 
ces of this dispersed way of living, had made 
several attempts to bring the people into towns, 
which had all proved ineffectual. Such a state 
of things of course affected trade unfavorably. 
It is difficult, therefore, to tell the *length 
of these Southern voyages of our fathers, who 
were delayed not alone in those days by im- 
perfect means of navigation, but a want also 
of business facilities. Their voyages to Eng- 
land, Europe or the West Indies, were un- 
doubtedly much longer than those now. Dun. 
ton, who sailed as passenger from England to 
Boston, in 1685, was over four months in mak- 
ing the passage — which appears, however, to 
have been of an extra length, as the provisions 
gave out — and they were on the point of 
starving, on arrival at Boston. As an evi- 
dence of the insecurity felt at that late day, 
from Corsairs, and even in the English Chan- 
nel, Dunton says they were all alarmed there 
by the appearance of a vessel, which they took 
to be a Salleeman (a pirate from Sallee, a for- 
tified maritime town in Morocco,) and pre- 
pared for defence, but found themselves mis- 
taken. If from a third to a half of the length 
of modern voyages was added to the voyages 

*In the orders given to Capt. Wm. English by his 
father, Nov. 25, 1709, on ai voyage to Maryland, 
Capt. E. is ordered to make all the dispatch he can 
there, so as to be back to Salem early in the spring. A 
Maryland voyage, made with all dispatch at that 
date, would seem then to have taken the better pari 
of four ox five months. 


themselves, they would not probably exceed 
the true length of the old voyages as compared 
with the modern. 

One of the favorite craft of our fathers (and 
Phillip English appears to have owned several 
such) was the *Ketch — the name and rig 
of which, however, have disappeared from mod- 
era commerce,— at least in our State and 
neighborhood. The last went out of date 
about 1800. Elias Haskett Derby had one in 
1799, called the John. An old sea captain 
now living, says that the Ketch was two- 
masted, with square sails on the foremast, 
which was a stout tall mast stepped far for- 
ward, and a mainsail on the mainmast, which 
was a shorter mast than the foremast. The 
Ketch sailed very fast before the wind. The rig 
of the Briganteen doe3 not appear. The sloop 
rig was perhaps similar to our own. The 
Schooner seems to have gradually supplanted 
the Ketch. It first appears in our Salem ma- 
rine about 1720. We find among the English 
papers an old receipt of 1727, wherein one 

*In the Essex Institute, in a volume called Ele- 
ments and Practice of Rigging, London 1794," be- 
tween pages 220 and 221 can be seen engravings of 
an European Ketch, and some pinnaces, and between 
pages 238 and 9, an engraving of a French Shallop. 

There appears to be no material difference between 
the rig of the ancient and modern Sloops of New- 
England, to judge by drawings of the former on a 
map of Boston with its Harbour made by Capt. Bon- 
ner in 1722. As no Schooners seem to appear on this 
map, we cannot state what, if any, difference there 
may be between their ancient and modern rig. It 
would seem by this as if the Schooner at that date 
was very rarely met with. 

It is to be hoped that those who may have draw- 
ings, paintings, or engravings of our early New Eng- 
land vessels, will preserve them as mementos of our 
early oommeree, and place them where they may be of 
avail to the commercial historian. Our New Eng- 
land vessels from the commencement, we have reason 
to believe, were somewhat different from those of 
the old Country — and these peculiarities are worth 
knowing and preserving; especially as they were 
sometimes improvements. 

Wm. Browno, Jr. receives "onboard ye*Sko- 
ner Kingfisher, Captain John Pitman, master,*' 
certain fish, &c. The schooner is said to have 
originated at Gloucester in 1714. P. B. own- 
ed several fSloops, and perhaps one Schooner, 
and retained perhaps a Sloop or two in busi- 
ness to employ himself as late as 1733-4. 

Abont the yoar 1715, Philip English lost 
his son William, with whom he had been con- 
nected in business, and which must have been 
a severe blow to him, as this son was more af- 
ter the pattern of his father, than perhaps any 
other of the sons. At the age of 19 he was 
commanding the sloop Arke, belonging to his 
father, bound for Virginia, and his accounts 
with, and letters to, his father and other bus- 
iness men, at various times, prove him to have 
been able and competent as a business man. 
He died at the early age of 25, and probably 
when his father was beginning to believe ho 
would succeed him in his commerce. Philip 
English, however, still continued in business, 
and, from appearances, did not retire entirely 
from trade until about 1733-4" 

In 1725 (according to Felt,) he is put into 
our Salem jail for refusing as an Episcopali- 
an to pay taxes for the support of the East 
Church (Congregational.) How long he staid 
is uncertain ; but probably not long. In 
1732 the law by which he was imprisoned 
was repealed. In 1734 he appears, together 

*In an old account of a fishing voyage made up in 
1733, and in our possession, the vessel is described on 
the outside as the " Shooner John," and on the inside 
as "ye Schooner John." John Webber was master. 

fin 1733-4, Philip English is paying Benj. Bea- 
dle money on account Of Capt. Wm. Smith, which 
seems like a commercial transaction. In 1732 ho 
gives a Sloop to one of his children, which shows him 
to have been engaged in commerce up to that time: 
He was then over 80 years of age— 81 or 2. As an 
item of the value of a sloop in 1712 we find in the 
Book of llecordes for Masters the recorded sale by 
Eben'r Lambert, Shipwright of Salem, of ye good 
Sloop Betty, lately built, of about 80 tons burthen, 
t Mr. Benj'n Marston of Salem for £240, that is £3 
per ton. 


with his family, as tha donors of land for a 
site for St. Peter's Church in Salem. In 1735 
Lie is put under guardianship as being clouded 
in mind, and in 173G dies, aged about 86 
years, and is buried in the Episcopal Church 

He seems not to have confined himself alone 
to commerce, but to have bought largely into 
real estate. When the division of the Com- 
mons took place in Salem — that is, the land 
which was held in common by its inhabitants, 
he held twenty-five shares or rights, being the 
largest single proprietor. In 1692 he owned 
some fourteen houses in Salem. Before his 
death, however, he seems to have given to his 
children or grandchildren, some of his real es- 
tate, and perhaps other portions of his prop- 
erty, since his inventory shows no personal 
estate of any consequence, nor anything like 
the amount of real estate he had onee owned. 
He seems to have been treated with great re- 
spect by his children, who always call him 
"Honored Father English" in their accounts 
with him, and sometimes in their mention of 

After the witchcraft madness had blown 
over, Philip English seems to have been for a 
time popular in Salem, since he was then cho- 
sen a Selectman, and a Deputy to the General 
Court. His funeral was attended by a large 
concourse of people, and by the most distin- 
guished then among us. 

He lost his first wife, Mary, in 1694, and in 
1698 married Sarah Ingersoll, a widow. By 
his first wife he had seven children, of whom 
only three survived him, viz : Philip, who 
married Mary Ellis, Mary, who married Wil- 
liam Browne, and Susannah, who married 
John Touzell. Philip inherited the Blue An- 
chor Tavern, which his grandmother, Elinor 
Hollingworth, kept when poor, and in her 
widowhood, and he appears to have run out the 
whole before 1750, in spite of the efforts of 
Richard *Derby to help him. Susannah died 

♦Richard Derby most probably out of friendship 
to the father, Philip Euglish, bought the estate of 

not long after her father, and soon after her 
husband, who was also a native of Jersey, a 
very well educated sea captain, and who was 
employed both by Philip English and William 
and Samuel Browne, as captain and agent, 
and who left about as large a fortune as Mr. 
English himself. By his second wife, Philip 
English appears to have had a son John En- 
glish, whose fate is uncertain. The direct 
male line is perhaps extinct, but his descen- 
dants in the female line are still in existence. 

His life appears to have been an adventu- 
rous, enterprising one, with some extraordina- 
ry trials also, like that of the Witchcraft furor 
and misfortunes ; and it is not to be wondered 
at, that, when over eighty years of age, a 
mind which had been so tried as his, should 
have set amid clouds and darkness. So set 
the mortality of his nature, but not its immor- 
tality, we trust. 

There is no portrait extant of Philip En- 
glish, as is the case also with the Brownes 
(Benjamin and William) who were his cotem- 
poraries, and who so nobly remembered our 
Salem schools. Philip English is represented 
by tradition to have been of middle stature, 
and strong physically. In character, Philip 
English had some marked points, was high- 
spirited: not ungenerous, impulsive withal, 
and at times choleric, perhaps. He is repre- 
sented to have been kind to the poor, yet not 
over conciliatory to his peers. He may have 
felt sore on the subject of Episcopacy, and the 
denial of toleration, and was not likely, in 
that respect, certainly, to have conciliated the 
powerful Congregationalists. At times he ap- 
pears to have been popular, and it is evident 
by his papers that he was often on terms of 
business intimacy with the then prominent 
merchants of Salem ; and the elder Benjamin 
Browne seems to have been somewhat nearer 
than a business friend, to judge by one or two 
old papers. Some of the papers of the Brownes 
are still mingled among his own. His own 

Philip Jr., and gave him permission to use the same 
for his natural life, Philip Jr. then being embar- 
rassed in business. 


immediate noighbora seem to have liked him, 
and in 1732 heartily repelled the charge, then 
made againet him by the Selectmen, of being 
unsound in mind, and triumphed in their op- 
position. In 1735, however, it would appear 
that the authorities triumphed in turn, 
but Mr. English was then already on the 
brink of tho grave, and was soon released from 
all human supervision and control. A natu- 
rally buoyant spirit, joined with a higher 
trust and stay, had borne him through and 
over the cares and struggles and sorrows of a 
long life, and some sad and peculiar troubles, 
and whatever may have been his failings or 
shortcomings, he was honored in death, and 
attended to his grave by a large concourse of 
the people, who were evidently gathered to- 
gether, not out of respect to his wealth, which 
was noi; then ho great, but to those qualities 
which are really independent of mere wealth 
or distinction. He must have been looked 
upon, we think, as having been somewhat 
enterprising and useful in his day and genera- 
tion, and as a man really superior to his frail- 
ties, whatever they may have been. 

When Philip English came to Salem, he 
must have found the town already a commercial 
place — decidedly so in its character— -and pos- 
sessing also rich and influential merchants. 
From some circumstantial items, almost a- 
mounting to evidence, it is not at all unlikely 
that Philip English came hither, allured by 
stories he had heard as a boy from Jersey tra- 
ders or merchants who had preceded him. — 
In 1661 there was in Salem a Mr. John Browne 
who is described as of Jersey, and who enters 
into an agreement with William Stevens of 
Gloucester to build a ship of about 110 tons 
at £3 per ton, for himself, and two partners, 
Messrs. Nicholas and John Balhack then in 
Jersey. This Mr. John Browne agrees to pay 
Stevens in goods, in part, at Mr. Corwin r s, Mr. 
Price's, or his own store, we should judge. 
The trade between the Isle of Jersey and Sa 
lem was then already established fin 1661] and 
Browne appears to have been a resident part- 
ner and merchant here. The Jersey trade 

then with Salem was very probably the impor- 
tation of hosiery and shoes from Jersey itself, 
and wines, brandies and fruits from France, 
Spain or Portugal, and linens from Franco or 
Holland as a return for New England fish 
(staves?) and lumber. This trade with Jer- 
sey, and the neighboring countries of Europe, 
may have begun before 1660, and continued, 
we should judge by old papers, (in the En- 
glish and Touzel families) up to the American 
Revolution, if not later. 

It is very probable that this Mr. John 
Browne, of Jersey, permanently settled in Sa- 
lem, as in January, 1673, a person of that 
name, who does not appear to be John Brown, 
the ruling Elder, gets a grant of 50 acres of 
the town of balem, (Vol. I. Grants, page 117) 
on the Lynn boundary line, and a hill in our 
Great Pastures still retains the name of Belly, 
hac, which may be Ballhac, and named so by 
this Mr. Browne as near his own estate, and 
in compliment to one or both of his partners, 
the Ballhacs, in Jersey. A William Browne, 
the son of a Mr. John Browne, married the 
eldest daughter of Philip English, and it is 
not unlikely that he was the son or grandson 
of the Jersey merchant, with whom, or his 
children, Philip English would (as coming 
from the same little Island) doubtless bo well 
acquainted. Thus seems to be the more proba- 
ble, as there cannot be traced as yet any con- 
nection between this Browne, and any other 
Salem family of that name then resident at S. 
— though there may be. At all events there 
came over here as early as 1660, a Jersey 
merchant by the name of Browne, who appears 
to have had a trading house here in 1661, and 
when Philip English comes here, he finds thai 
the Jersey trade with Salem is already begun , 
and very probably flourishing. There came 
here also, alter Philip English, quite a num- 
ber of Jersey people, whose descendants ar« 
still among us. 

We have said that Philip English found Sa- 
lem about 1670 a decidedly commercial place — 
that is, Salem proper— the body of the town — 
and whoever looks into the history of Salem, 


will see the causes of this, which it may not 
be unprofitable here to glance at, and briefly 
review, for they are peculiar. When Salem 
was first colonized by the Home Company, its 
trade was doubtless limited to and with that 
company to a great degree, if not entirely — 
This state of things may have lasted from 1628 
to 1634-5. When the company relaxed its 
hold on the Colony, Salem was left to the 
commercial liberty of the charter, and took, 
most probably, more even than was granted by 
it. Before 1636 she began doubtless to build 
small vessels — shallops, pinnaces, and perhaps 
ketches, for fishing and trade with the adjacent 
colonies. The scarcity of gram, with which 
our people were afflicted in 1631, compelled 
them to send a pinnace down to Cape Cod 
for corn, and such voyages were not perhaps 
unfrequent for years afterward. It is very 
probable that traders at Salem searched the 
adjacent coasts for furs and fish in small ves- 
sels up to 1640, and for years afterwards. A- 
bout 1634-5 sa.y, wo may safely conclude that 
oar Salem commerce begins to bestir itself, in 
a very humble way, however. At that time 
there was most probably a settlement on the 
Neck, (see Dr. JBentley's History of Salem) 
which would naturally be the nucleus of the 
marine trade of the town. As early a? 1636, 
eight individuals were granted half acre lots 
at Winter Harbor (on the Neck,) for fishing 
trade, and to build upon. Shallop Cove (now 
Collins's) was early used by the fishermen for 
light shallops, (as tradition has it) and who 
lived themselves in a village on its shores. — 
Though Salem was settled on the North River 
at first, yet the marine business of the town — 
its fishing, boat-building, &c, — seems to have 
centred at the lower part, on and near the 
Neck, and perhaps on the harbor proper. 

The authorities of Salem were not at first 
zealous for trade, to judge by what Hutchin- 
son says. That policy, however, did not last 
long, for in 1635 (Dr. Bentley says,) a plan 
for the fisheries was adopted and pursued, and 
it greatly assisted the prosperity of the town. 
Salem began to flourish, he says, in 1634. 

The Home Company must then have hud little 
or no control here. Now comes (in 1635) tire 
peculiar policy adopted in Salem, which placed 
her on a firm commercial basis, the fruits of 
which were so obvious in 1640, and which 
helped to carry her so rapidly forward to com- 
mercial success. Those, who at this date, pe- 
titioned for farms, obtained them (says Dr. 
B.,) on the condition that they should sell their 
houses in town to accommodate more easily all 
who came for trade, and unless they sold their 
houses in toivn, they were only to hold their land 
by lease — the term not to exceed three years. — 
Dr. B. further adds, that, as Salem held much 
common land, it could offer such inducements 
as could draw new and rich settlers, and that 
such men as found the best lands pre-occupied 
in other towns, could obtain great advantages 
in Salem, and to judge by a cursory review of 
the 1st volume of the Records of Salem, we 
ourselves are convinced that the town at that 
day considered that it held the reverter of the 
fee in almost, it not all, cases where certain 
conditions were not complied with— those con- 
ditions being based upon the industry and 
usefulness of the grantee to the town in 6ome 
way or other, and sometimes specified in the 
grant itself. Colonization of the right kind 
was the object of the town, which evidently 
considered the original fee of the soil in Salem 
to be in itself, as is proved by the early grants 
which were sometimes made by the committee 
of thirteen for the town, and sometimes by the 
town in town meeting assembled. It is proved 
also by the nature or the grants made to those 
who founded the large fishing village on Win- 
ter Island, and built wharves, storehouses, 
and even dwelling-houses there. None of 
these got a/ee from the town, but only a use. 
To obtain a *fee even in the body of the town, 

*The fee of all lands in Salem, not specifically 
granted by the town, seems to have been considered 
anciently as belonging to the town, and to be used 
Pro Bono Publico. Those who wished to build 
wharves even went to the town for permission, and this 
was the custom down to a eomparatively modern pe- 


the conditions (express or implied) must be 
performed by tho grantee. This at least seems 
to have been the general rule ; and the policy 
Dr. B. speaks of as having been applied to 
Cno early commercial settlers of Salem, is in 
h irmony with tho records so far as we have 
I'oen able to examine them. It was a singu- 
lar policy, but an effective one, and based on a 
community of industrial and useful interests, 
and is of great importance also as determining 
the ancient landed rights of the town. It 
would certainly appear a3 if Salem still held, 
according to her old laws and practice, the 
fee in all lands, by sea and shore, not yet spe- 
cifically granted by the town since its settle- 
ment. This may be an anomaly in the town 
histories of our ancient Commonwealth, but 
so it seems to be by our records. Salem ap- 
pears to have been almost a Commonwealth 
in itself. 

This policy, mentioned by Dr. B., was a 
great stimulus to commerce, as it enabled 
commercial men to choose good commercial 
sites in the town, and was not prejudicial to 
the farmers, who got in exchange for town 
lands, the meadows and rich land in the rear, 
and on the outskirts of the town. Joined to 
this policy was a comparative freedom of trade 
under the charter, and under the English 
Commonwealth. Dr. Bentley states that not 
only wae a ship of 300 tons built here in 1640, 
but that another of 200 tons was built in 1642, 
and that 80 per cent profit was made this year 
— in trade. Though Marblehead was then su- 
perior to Salem in the fisheries, and though 
Gloucester, Manchester, and the whole Eastern 
shore of Massachusetts was then also engaged 
in the fishery, yet Salem doubtless flourished, 
and enjoyed her share of the general prosper- 
ity which prevailed over the Colony in 1645. 
The agricultural rivalry of Ipswich at this pe- 
riod may have checked Salein as a farming 

riod. The history of the ancient common rights of 
Salem, and of the grants made by her, prove that 
Salem considered the fee of her land to be in herself, 
and she the great grantor. 

town — though it probably only directed her 
attention tho more keenly to her commercial 
interests. In 1041 arid in 1643, Salem must 
have beon largely engaged in shipbuilding, we 
should judge, by the several orders of the Gen- 
eral Courts in these years referring to ship- 
building ; and in 1642 Salem pays the next 
highest sum of the Colony tax — JL75 — Boston 
£120 — which shows salem to have been well 
grounded in its prosperity at that time. Shi 
may have been somewhat checked in 1642, 
but not seriously, so far as we can find. 

In 1646 Salem has a viewer of Pipe staves 
ordered for it by General Court, as defective, 
worm-eaten staves had been sent abroad to our 
prejudice. The General Court order viewers 
for some other ports also. This however shows 
that Salem was then one of the principal ex- 
porters of such articles, and doubtless made 
a profit thereon. Salem may be in 1651 one 
of the places aimed at by the Commonwealth 
in England as furnishing Virginia and Barba- 
does with gunpowder (those colonies being 
then Royalist,) and so stood in jeopardy of 
losing her free trade privileges ; but this storm 
blew over, and from thence to 1660 — and '70 
it is evident she must have flourished with the 
colony. In 1664 she had her rich merchants, 
and in 1670 was well grounded in the Euro- 
pean.West Indian, and Colonial trade— and the 
wise policy of the town — commencing in the 
day of small things — in 1635 — had invited 
capital, skill, and industry to her harbor and 
ahores, andin less than forty years, Salem was 
a commercial town favorably known in Europe 
— trading with all nations— and comparative- 
ly wealthy Such doubtless was the town, as 
it met the eyes of Philip English, when he 
came here between 1660 and ; 70, and such the 
causes and effects of its prosperity. The wise 
policy of encouragement — the wealth of its 
resources, viz, its fisheries, lumber, and furs — 
and the general freedom of its commerce — all 
combined to place it in this short period on a 
substantial prosperity. 

Phillip English found the town a prominent 
commercial place when he entered it, and lived 


to see it more than double in population, and 
most probably in means. In 1G80 (about 10 
years after he came here) Massachusetts had 
about 120 ships, sloops, ketches and other 
craft. In 1G86 Dunton (who was then here] 
writes of Salem as "being reported next to 
Boston in trade." Between 1714 and '18 (ac- 
cording to Custom House Returns) Massachu- 
setts had 492 vessels of 25,406 tons and 3,492 
Seamen, and in 1731, 38000 tons of shipping, 
about one half of which was in the E uropean 
trade. Salem, as next in commercial impor- 
tance to Boston, must be credited with her 
share of this shipping and attendant wealth. 
For the 50 years or more, which Phillip English 
occupied in commercial pursuits, there must 
have been a great advance in the commercial 
importance of the town, spite of commercial 
losses and drawbacks to its prosperity. — 
He also grew up with — or was a contempora- 
ry with a body of merchants, whose lives, char- 
acters, papers, acts, and histories, prove them 
to have been solid, reliable, useful enterprising 
men — and not a few of them generous and 
public rpirited. Some of them were the im- 
mediate descendants of the old Puritan leaders 
of the Colony. The Corwins, the Sewalls, the 
Higginsons, the Browns were really distin- 
guished merchants— were wi3e men — not mere- 
ly to acquire wealth, but in that higher wis- 
dom—the skill to usg it for noble ends and pur- 
poses, and as a trust, to which grave responsi- 
bilities attached. They were educated men al- 
so. The society of Salem, moreover, as ruled 
over by such men, was sensibly affected by 
their example, and it struck Dunton when here 
in 1G86 forcibly, reminding him of the gener- 
ous hospitality, the genuine ease, the sterling 
worth, the wise stability, and intellectual cul- 
ture which characterized the really good soci- 
ety in England. Dunton came near forgetting 
old England, and even his home and wife, 
he tells us in his own amusing way while in 
Salem— being tempted to remain here perma- 

Salem at that day (168G) doubtless was the 
moat agreeable residence in New England, to 

judge by Dunton's account. Boston was more 
cosmopolitan, but Salem more homelike — more 
stable, more really social. It was a quiet 
town as compared with Boston — wealthy e- 
nough however for liberality and hospitality 
— somewhat reserved — retaining many of the 
sober restraints of Puritanism, and not a few 
of its primitive virtues. The venerable Hig- 
ginson then presided over its morals and re- 
ligion, assisted by the polished and agreeable, 
but not so solid Noyes. The eminent Epes 
over its learning — the wise, generous and hos- 
pitable Sewall over its laws ; and around them 
were gathered a group of men, and merchants 
whose characters were unstained — whose 
minds were liberal and polished by books, 
travels, and knowledge of mankind — men who 
believed in religion, were brought up under 
its influence, and who reverenced its example, 
— men in whom the old and austere Puritan- 
ism of the Colony had become mellowed and 
softened — who had been blessed with abun- 
dance, and used it wisely. The society of tho 
town was hospitable, refined, enlightened. Its 
merchants were men of their word, its people 
true to their engagements. Dunton, who 
came to Salem to dispose of part of his adven- 
ture of books, which he brought to Boston 
from England, disposed of a part here, and 
has not a word to say about the "Grecian 
faith," which a seller needed, who then traded 
with the Boston people. He was hospitably 
and kindly treated in S., well encouraged, 
and promptly paid, and therefore gives us , a 
character written in letters of gold and silver. 
He describes the town as then being about 
a mile long, with many fine houses in it. It 
is evident that he then found Salem a compar- 
atively wealthy, refined, intelligent, stabl© 
town. And such Salem then was It had, 
evidently, a society in which the elements of a 
wise conservatism were apparent. It was so- 
ber, yet given to hospitality— reserved, but 
generous and virtuous — free from show and 
pretence— of solid sterling worth, There were 
here too those habits, and ways and modes of 
thought and life which pharacterized good so 


ciety in England, and somewhat, too jerhaps 
of the distinction? and grades of society there 
found — modified, however, by the more popu- 
lar and peculiar views of Now England.— 
Quality and quantity were terms understood 
and practised upon in our early N. E Society 
as elsewhere, hut modified som what by our 
more popular ideas. Our society was not 
then quite Engliwb, though resembling it, but 
rather new English — an improvement on the 
original, and admitting of indefinite improve- 
ment also It may have looked to England 
somewhat for its models, but it also looked to 
its own origin and progress also, and the laws 
of reason and wisdom. There was a loyalty 
in it, which externally and superficially was 
directed to the royalty and aristocracy of Eng- 
land, but which in the hour of trial was really 
devoted to God and liberty. The men and 
women of New England were loyal to God 
and not the King, in any great emergency — 
God being to them the King even of Kings — 
and though this loyalty might sleep for a time, 
it never died. It was the deep inspiration — 
the calm belief — the motive power of their re 
ligion, their thoughts, their manners, and 
their laws — the key to their history — the se- 
cret of their triumphs. The idea of liberty in 
church — inState — in morals, manners, cus- 
toms and laws, is the great idea, from whose 
seed has sprung New England as she is, relig- 
iously, intellectually, politically, commercial- 
ly, and socially. It is the germ of our exis- 
tence, our growth, our flower, and our fruit. 
It is a developement of that idea outwardly, 
and irresistably. From that idea we sprang 
as a people, and any and ail attempts to make 
ourselves foreign to this are unnatural, absurd, 
unwise. We are not, and cannot be, of for- 
eign growth or complexion. We may be made 
to so appear, we may even attempt to make 
ourselves appear so : but we must return final- 
ly to ourselves — a people whose seed is free- 
dom—and whose law of developement, and 
growth, and flower, and fruitage, must simply 
come from— liberty — the liberty, moreover, 
which is of itself restraint, reason, wisdom, 


morality, order, religion- which abhort license 
in all its forms and ways, and is as far removed 
from it as the heavens are above the earth, 
[The prosecution of Philip English and his wifo 

for witchcraft, with the direct and collateral docu- 
mentary evidence pertaining thereto, will be given 
as a Second Part of this Sketch in the coming 
volume of the Historical Collections.] 


Copied by Ira J. Patch. 

John Norton, April, 1GG3. 

Copy of will of John Norton, of Boston, 
will dated 14th Jan., 1G61, mentions brother 
Wm. Norton of Ipswich; gives him land he 
bought of Matthew Whipple, deceased, now 
In the occupation of Goodman Annable ; gives 
him also the 100 pounds due unto him for his 
house in Ipswich which Mr. Cobbett now 
dwelleth in. 

his ever endeared and honored mother thirty 
pounds in current money of England, to be 
paid to her use in London, at his Brother 
Thomas Norton's house. 

his two sisters, Mrs. Martha Wood and 
Mrs. Mary Young, £20 between them, to be 
paid at Thomas's house in London, brother 
Thomas and Elizabeth, his wife. 

gives ten pounds to the poor of the church 
of which he is an unworthy officer. 

wife, Mrs. Mary Norton, and app'ts her 
sole ext'x, and app'ts Mr. Rawson secretary, 
and Elder Pen overseers. Proved June 12, 

Mary Snath, May, 16G3, 
Will of Mary Smith, wife unto the late 
James Smith, of Marblehead, dated 28 Mar. 
1GG3, daughter Catherine Eborne, & daughter 
Mary Rowland, grand children Samuel & Jo- 
seph Rowland, Mary Eborne, daughter Mary 
Rowland's five children, daughter Cathren E- 
borne, children Mary, Rebecca, Moses, Han- 
nah, James & Sarah, Samuel, son James Smith. 


John Bennett, 4th mo., 1663. 
Inventory of tie estate of widow Bennet of 
Marblehead, amounting to £76 02s Od, re- 
turned and allowed 30th 4th mo., 1663. 

Thos. Flint, 4th mo., 1663. 

Will of Thomas Flint, dated Apr. 1, 1663. 

To his wife 50 acres of improved, and his 
meadow and housing. To his son Thomas 30 
acres of upland on his farme next to Mr. Gard- 
ner's, which was bought of Mr. Higginson 
and Goodman Goodell, as he sees fit, not en- 
croaching on his mother's meadow or brother's 
land, as also ten pounds in corne or cattle, all 
Of which he is to enjoy at age. 

Sons George, John, Joseph, daughter Eliz'h, 
app'ts his wife sole ext'x, and Mr. Wm. Brown 
■r. f Goodman Moulton and Jos. Swinnerton, 
Jr., to be overseers. 

proved 2d 5th mo., 1663. 

Inventory of above estate taken Apr. 14 f 
1663, by Robt. Moulton, Sam'l Verey, and 
Henry Phelps, amounting to £330 16s Od, 
debts, £65, 13s, 4d, returned 2d 5th mo., and 

Robt. Sallows, 4th mo., 1663. 
Inventory ot Robert Sallows, taken by Thos. 
Lowthropp, John Thorndike, Richard Brack- 
enburg and John Patch, amounting to £143 
9a 6d, returned 1st 5th mo., 1663. 

Thos. Sallows, 4th mo., 1665. 
Inventory of Thomas Sallows, taken 4th 
June, 1663, by Elias Stileman and Thos. 
Rootes, amounting to £105 lis 03d, returned 
3d 5th mo., 1663. 

Geo. Smith, 4th mo., 1663. 
Inventory of estate of George Smith of Sa- 
lem, taken 9th May, 1663, by Jeffrey Massey 
and Thos. Rootes, amounting to £9, returned 
and adm'n granted to the widow. 

Henry Muddle, 4th mo., 1663. 
Inventory of estate of Henry Muddle of 
Gloucester, amounting to £16 8s lOd ; debts 

and charges £2 19s 9d, returned by Peter 
Duncan, and is allowed 3d 5th mo., 1663. 

Wm. Cantlebury, 4th mo., 1663. 

Will of Wm. Cantlebury of Salem, datfd 
2d April, 1661. wife Beatrice, son John, 
daughter Ruth, daughter Rebecca, and her 
children ; mentions the farm he bought of Mr. 
George Corwinna, app'ts Beatrice his wife 
sole ext'x, and Mr. John Croade overseer. — 
Witnesses — John Porter, sr., and Nath'l Fel- 

Proved 3d 5th mo., 1663. 

Inventory of above estate, taken 25th June, 
1663, by Thos. Gardner, sen'r, and Nath'l 
Felton, amounting to £470 8s Od. List of 
debts £45 15s 8d, returned 3d 5th mo., 1663. 

Thomas Antram, 4th mo., 1663. 
Will of Thos. Antram of Salem, dated 24th 
11th mo., 1662, mentions Isaac Burnape, the 
son oi his daughter Hannah Burnape, under 
age, son Obadiah Antram, Thomas Spooner, 
Uilyard Veren. 

app'ts Edmund Batter ex'or, and Thomas 
Spooner and Hillu.rd Veren my overseers. — 
Witnesses— Thomas Spooner and Wm. Wood- 
cocke. Will signed but a few days before his 

Proved 3d 5th mo., 1663. 

Inventory of above estate, taken Feb. 17, 
1662, by Elias Stileman and John Ruche, a- 
mounting to £258 0s Od, returned by Edmond 
Batter 3d 5th mo., 1663. 

Robt. Roberts, Sept., 1663. 
Inventory of estate of Robt. Roberts of Ips- 
wich, taken July 20, 1063, by Thos. Clarke 
and Ringdell Foster, Jr., amounting to £177 
lis 8d, returned 29 Sept., 1663. 

Thos. Scott, Sept., 1663. 
Receipt of Ric'd Kimball and Edmund 
Bridges, for £24, Sarah Scott's portion of hei 
father's estate, paid by Ezekiel Rogers, May 
10, 1661. 


Receipt of Mary Scott for £25, her portion 
or her father Thomas Scott's estate, paid by 
Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, Apr. 23, 1GG3. 

Receipt of Hannah Boswort, of £5, his wife 
Abigail's share of her father Thomas Scotfs 
estate, Oct. 1, 10G3. 

John Comings. 9th mo., 1G63. 
Inventory of estate or John Comings, in pos- 
session of John Ormes, Salem, taken 2Gth No- 
vember, 1663, by Edmond Batter and Walter 
Price, amounting to £47 14s 6d. returned 
14th 9th mo, 1G63, and John Gardner and 
John Ormes were app't adm'rs. 

John Pickworth, 9th mo., 1663. 

Will of John Pickworth, dated 27th 4th 
mo., 1663, wife Ann Pickworth, eldest son, 
John, 3 sons, Samuel, Joseph and Benjamin, 
daughters Ruth Macpherson and Varun Col- 
3em, youngest dan Abigail, app'ts his wife, 
John and Sain'l, Thomas Jones and Wm. 
Bennet, overseers, proved 25th 9th mo., 1663. 

Inventory of above estate taken 25th Aug't, 
1663, by Wm. Allen and Robert Leach, a- 
mounting to £168 4s Od, returned by Ann 
Pickworth 25th 9th mo-, 1663. 

Rich'd Rootens, 9th mo., 1663. 
Will of Rich'd Rootens, dated June 12, 1663, 
mentions his wife, his kinsman, Edmond Root- 
en, Jouathan Hartshorne ; gives his pastor, 
Mr. "Whitney, forty shillings. Witness — 
Henry Rhodes, Robert Driver, and Francis 
Burrill, his wife to be ex'tx. Henry Rhodes 
and George Taylor, overseers, proved 25th 
9th mo., 1663. 

Inventory of above estate taken Sept. 20, 
1663, by Nath'l Handforth and Francis Bur- 
rill, £280 6s 2d : list of debts, £9 9s Od, re- 
turned 25th 9th mo., 1663. 

Elias Stileman, 9th mo., 16G3. 
Inventory of Elias Stileman, taken 7th 9th 
month, 1662, by Edmond Batter and Milliard 
Veren, amounting to £176 12s 6d. List of 

de')ts£279 12s 4d, returned 2Gth 9th mo., 

Gershom Lambert, Mar., 1664. 
Will of Gershom Lambert of Rowley, 16th 

Mar., 16G4, mentions Aunt Rogers. (Broth- 
ers,) Thos. Lambert, John Lambert, Juhn 
Spofford sr, Charles Brewer, Richard Lighten, 
cousin Mary Brewer, cousin Elia'Ii Piatt, 
sister Ann, wife of Thos. Nelson ; Thus. Ncl- 
eon, ex'or. proved 29th Mar., 1664. 

Thos. Barnes, Mh mo., 1GG4. 
Inventory of estate of Thos. Bunes of Sa- 
lem, taken 12th 11th mo., 1663, by Walter 
Price, Elias Stileman, amounting to £337, 
18s 9d ; list of debts, amounting to £120 13a 
Od, allowed 24th 4th mo., 1GG4. 

Henry Barwood, Ath mo., 1G64. 

Inventory of estate of Henry llarwood of 
Salem, taken 10th 1st mo., 1GG3-4, by Joseph 
Grafton, Geo. Gardner, John Gardner and 
Henry Bartholomew, amounting to £1G3 14a 
6d, allowed 27th 4th mo., 1664. 

Testimony (dated 29th 4th mo., 1GG4,) of 
Messrs. John Higginson and Henry Bartholo- 
mew as to the minde of said Harwood, in the 
disposing of his estate to his wife as long aa 
she lives, and alter her death to be equally di- 
vided between his kinswoman and his wife's 
daughter, Elizabeth Nixon, except a legacy of 
four pounds to the poor of the church in bear- 
ing the charge of the Lord's Sopper. 

Copy of the order of Court held at Salem 
29th 4th mo., 1664, app'ting the widow ad'mx 
and after her decease, Jane Flinders, wife of 
Ric'h Flinders, to have all the land, and 
Eliz'h, wife of Matthew Nixon, to have the 

Sam' I Beadle, 4th mo., 1664. 
Will of Sam'l Beadle of Salem, dated Mar. 
12, 1663, son Nath'l Beadle, dau Dorothy, 
three smallest children, "now at home with 
me," Samuel, Thomas and Eliz'h, appt'a 
Walter Price ex'or and John Croad and Hill- 
yard Veren overseers, approved 30th 4th mo., 



Hon. Nathan Reed, whose lithograph is in- 
serted in this numher, was born in Warren, 
Mass., July 2, 1759. He was son of Reuben 
and Tamerson Reed, of Warren ; Reuben was 
eon of Nathaniel and Phebe Reed ; Nathaniel, 
eon of Thomas Reed of Sudbury, and his wife 
Abigail ; migrated in early life from Sudbury 
to Warren. Thomas was son of Thomas and 
Mary Reed, of Sudbury ; the elder Thomas 
was son of Elias, who was son of William, of 
Maidstone, in the County of Kent, England, 
Professor of Divinity, and his wife Lucy. The 
earliest notice of the name in America, is in 
Woburn, Mass., and thence moved to Sudbury. 
He graduated at Harvard College, in 1781 
and w r as familiarly known among his cla-s- 
mates, as Nothumb instead of Nathan, having 
some deficiency in one thumb. He was for 
some years Tutor in the College, and after- 
wards studied Medicine with Dr. E. A. Hol- 
yoke, of Salem. He then kept an Apothecary 
Shop, in Salem, and was known as Dr. Reed. 
He married Oct. 20, 1790, Elizabeth Jeffrey, 
of Salem, whose father, William, was Clerk 
of the Courts, of Esses County. He was the 
inventor of a patent for the manufacture of 
nails, which originated the building of the 
Danvers Iron Works, so called. He was also 
the actual inventor of the first Steamboat with 
paddle wheels in American waters. The trial 
trip of this boat which took place in 1789, 
was from Danvers Iron Works to Beverly. On 
board were the Governor of the Common- 
wealth, the Hon. Nathan Dane, Dr. E. A. 
Holyoke, Rev. Dr. Prince, and other distin- 
guished men. 

His country residence was near the Iron 
Works, in Danvers, the same that has lately 
been known as Capt. Porter's ; his town 
dwelling was on the site where Plummer Hall 
now stands, and was removed to give place for 
the present building.* 

* This site was owned about a century siuce by 
Joseph Bowditck — ho bequeathed it to his daughter 

He represented Essex South District in the 
Congress of the United States, in 1798-9. In 
1807, he removed to Maine, and was Chief 
Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, for 
the State of Maine, till nearly th« time of hia 
death, which took place at Belfast, January 
20, 1849, in his 90th year. 

A more m nute account of him is given by 
J. W. Reed. Esq., of Groveiand, Mass.. in his 
Historv of the Reeds or Reads, now in press. 
This work gives an account of the origin and 
definition of the name, the wars, conquests and 
migrations of the clans .of Rewd in the old 
world, and notices of every one of the name 
in the United States. 

Mrs. Elizabeth ' Jeffry, from whom it descended to 
ber daughter, the wife of Nathan Reed, the subject 
of our notice. In 1799 it was sold to Capt. Joseph 
Peabody, and remained in the possession of that 
family until 1855, when it was conveyed to the Pro- 
prietors of the Salem Athenaeum to erect thereon, 
Plummer Hall, from funds bequeathed by the late 
Miss Caroline Plummer, of Salem. The dwelling, 
thus removed, was built by Mr. Reed, in 1793. — 
Col. Perley Putnam, the present superintendent of 
streets, yet a hale and hearty octogenarian, worked 
on this building when an apprentice. The following 
letter from him may not be inappropriately inserted 
in this connection* 

Salem, Feb. 11, 1859. 

Bear Sir, — In compliance with your request of 
last evening, in reference to the time when Dr. 
Reed's (late Capt. Josepb Peabody's) house was 
built, I would inform you that the carpenters com- 
menced working on the frame of said house early 
in the month of October, 1793. The house was 
framed in the garden back of where it was erected. 
The frame was raised, boarded, shingled, <fec, be- 
fore the old BowdHck house was demolished — 
which stood a little to tbe eastward of the centre of 
the lot, and projected out over the present line of 
the street, about half the width of the present side- 
walk When the house was lirst raised it had the 
appearance of being set up very high from the 
ground. But, at that time, that part of Essex 
street was quite low, and was soon after raised, 
graded, and paved, after which the house had a 
very different appearance, at the time it was remov- 
ed. Samuel Mackintire was the Architect, and Jo- 
seph Mackintire and others were the carpenters, &o. 

At the time said house was erected, there was not 
a tree or a shrub on the lot, with the exception of a 
few black currant bushes, which stood by the side of 
an old stone wall, which ran along on the south of 
Brown street, where the brick wall now stands. 
Respectfully, your obedient servant, 


Dr. Henry Wheatland. 




Read at a Meeting of the Essex Institute, March 25, 1868. 
Continued from Page 153. 


Was among the first one hundred and six- 
teen men who took the freeman's oath at the 
first General Court for that purpose, May 18, 
1631, as were several others also, of the first 
planters, viz : Mr. Roger Conant, John 
Woodbury, John Balch, Mr William Jeffrey, 
and William Allen. May 9th, 1632, Palfray 
and C »nant were the two persons chosen for 
Salem, ace >rding to an order of General Court, 
to confer with the Governor and Assistants, a- 
bout raising a public stock. 

On the 7th of November, of the same year, 
he was appointed with Messrs. Turner and Co- 
nant a Committee of the General Court, to set 
off a tract of land to John Humphrey, the 
Deputy Governor, in Saugus. Ho was often 
on the land Committee, and Board of Selects 
men in Salem. 

In 1635, was a Deputy at the second Gene- 
ral Court ; this year he received his grant of 
two hundred acres at the head of Bass River. 
It is supposed by some that he never lived upon 
this farm, which we regard as uncertain.* 

Ho removed to Reading about 1652. At 
t^wn meeting there, March 1, of that year, he 
was chosen one of the Prudential Committee 
of five. "The power that the Towne doth give 
to the five men before mentioned is to order all 
the prudential affairs of the town excepting giv- 
ing of land and timber." He y/as often after- 

* The following extract from the Court Records, 
evinces that our ancestors were not exempt from a 
cartain class of social troubles. At the Quarter Court 
held at Salem, 27 of 4, 16:57. Endicott, Conant and 
Hathorne, presiding magistrates. 

" Jane Wheat servant unto Peter Palfray had not 
only wronge J her neighbours in killing their poul- 
trie, but being convict of lying loytering and run- 
ning away from her master, was whipped." 

ward chosen upon this and other Committees 
at Reading. At town meeting, F«b 7,1058, 
"There was given to Peter Palfray, three acres 

of meadow in the Long Hedge of meadow, 
thatlyethby Rockey Meadow.'' On tin; 11th 
of the same month, the upland at the north 
side of Ipswich River, was divided by lot a- 
mong the inhabitants ; to Peter P.tlfray fell, 
one hundred and seventy acres and forty- three 
poles. This land was located in what is now 
North Reading, not far from the pres -nt Bap- 
tist meeting-house; the meadows that bordered 
the River in front of this land, were formerly 
yery valuable, but were much injured in later 
years by the damming of the river in the con- 
struction of mills. 

On the 31st of 1st mo., 1053, Palfray sold 
to Francis Skerry, husbandman of Salem, two 
acres of marsh, lying near the ferry, in sai 1 
town, and abutting upon the garden of John 
Luff, this no doubt his original allotment 
at his first settlement with Conant in 1020. 
Balch owned the adjoining land northward, a- 
long the river and nearer the ferry. 

In December, 1053, ''Peter Palfray, plan- 
ter, late of Salem," sold half an acre of land 
between John Horn and Oapt. llithorne, over 
against Mr- Downing's house. 

On the 23th of 7th month, 1G14, Gaorgo 
Hawkins, of Boston, by power of attorney 
from George Richisson sold William Dodge, 
for £40. his farm of two hundred acres near 
the head of Bass River, late the possession of 
Peter Palfray. After an active and well 6pent 
life, he died at Reading, September 15, 1003. 
His will was dated Oct. 21. of the previous 
year, and commences with these words : 
"Whereas I, Peter Palfray have taken into 
consideration the brittleness of my life, especial- 
ly being ffarr stricken in years,'' $c. 

It is recorded in the Middlesex Probate Rec- 
ords, book 2. folio 181, and has codicils dated 
19 May, 1603. He had three wives. His sec- 
ond wife, Elizabeth, was widow of John 
Fairfield, of Wenharo, who died in 1040. II is 
third wife, Alice, is mentioned in his will. 

Mr. Palfray and his first wife were among 



the original members of the first Church, 
where hid children were baptized, viz : 

Jonathan and Jehodan baptized 25th of 10th 
montib, 1630. Jehodan married Benj. Smith, 
March 27, 1661. She died Nov, 5, 1662. 

Remember, baptized 16th of 7th month, 
1638, married Peter Aspinwall, of Muddy 
Kiver, 12ch of Feb. 1661, by John Endicott, 

Mary, baptized 15th of 10th month, 1639, 
called his youngest child in June, 1662. One of 
his daughters married Samuel Pickman, anoth- 
er Matthew Johnson. No son is mentioned in 
his will, some have supposed he had a eon 
older than the children whose baptisms are re- 
corded, and who may have been in circumstan- 
ces not to need further assistance from their 
father. His estate, consisting of land and 
meadow beyond the river. &c., was valued at 
eighty-four pounds, ten shillings. In conse 
quence of the want of any thing definite about 
the continuance of his son or sons, it has thus 
far been impossible for the present Palfrays 
to trace their line farther back than to the 
three following men, supposed grandsons of 

All that is wanted is to find a common fath- 
er to Walter, of Salem, William of Boston, 
and John of Cambridge, probably sons of 
Jonathan or some other son of Peter, of 
•which however no proof remains. These 
three men had each considerable families, and 
their descendants appjar to embrace all the 
Palfrays of New England. 

Walter is the ancestor of the Salem family, 
still represented, and who have been known 
throughout the history of the town. William 
is the ancestor of the Hon. John G. Palfray, 
late member of Congress, and one of the his- 
torians of the country. Prominent men are 
found in all the branches. If the lost patri- 
arch were found, a complete genealogy could 
easily b n , made from the primitive Peter to the 
present time. 

This family in Salem is connected among 
others, with the primitive stock of the Man- 

nings, Derbys, Graftons, Oownings, Pkippena, 


"Was among the Episcopalians at Nantnsket, 
in 1622, and removed with Conant to Cape 
Anne, in 1624; he was thirty-nine years of age, 
when in 1626 he followed Conant to Naum- 
keag ; w T as probably a carpenter, and employe I 
by the Dorchester Merchant to assist in the 
construction of buildings for the New Colony. 
Richard Brackenbury in his extremely valua- 
ble document,! testified in 1680, that when he 
arrived at Salem, with Gov. Endicott, in 1628, 
he found Walter Knight there, and that Nor- 
man, Allen and Knight, stated that they came 
over for the Dorchester Merchants, and had 
built sundry houses at Salem, and that Walter 
Knight and the rest said that they had also 
built a house at Cape Anne, "and soe I was 
sent with them to Cape Anne, to pull down 
the said house for Mr. Endicott's use, the 
which wee did." It was erected immediately 
in Salem, where under many alterations it ia 
supposed to be standing at the present day J 

Brackenbury also menti >ns Woodbury, Co- 
nant, Palfray, Balch and others, in another 

* References. — Hubbard, Prince, Felt, Rantoul, 
Young, Rec, of Mass., Probate and Deeds Rec, 
Court and Church Rec, Town Rec. of Salem aud 

fPresented from another source, on page 156. 

■^Allusion to Gov. Endicott's house has been beforo 
made with some confidence, on pages 102 and 4, and 
from another source on page 156, and the opinion 
has long prevailed that it was situated on the cor- 
ner of Church and Washington streets, and this state- 
ment has occasionally appeared in print. Since the 
appearance of the last number of these Collections, 
however, extensive examination of the Essex Regis- 
try of Deeds, in relation to this estate has been 
made, with the disappointment, of not largely cor- 
roborating, at the same time not directly conflicting 
with this view. Zerubabel Endicott, son of the Gov- 
ernor, sold the land on which this house stands to 
Daniel Eppes, in 1681, and the region thereabouts 
was long known as Endicott's field. See memoir of 
Gov. Endicott, by C. M. Endicott, page 20 and note. 


paragraph-, and from the manner in which he 
speak* of the men found at Salem, classifying 
them an it were in two different sentence*, w 
infer, that the relation of these two elas.-*e- 
wore essentially different. The one appearing 
like men who possessed a prime interest in the 
undertaking, while the others were with- 
out doubt men who were sent oyer in a Bub 
servient capacity, and there are other indica- 
tions that the latter were men of less education 
and refinement. Norman and Allen were carpen- 
ters, and the others in the same paragraph 
were of occupations indispensable to a new oet- 

The adoption of this view, we think, ac- 
counts conclusively for the omission of one set 
of these names in the large grant of one thou- 
sand acres of land at Bass River. We intend 
however, under another head, to show that 
reasonable proof remains that they, the other 
party, did collectively receive a similar grant 
as "old planters," though in a far less quan- 

The name of Walter Knight is not found a- 
mong the members of the First Church, and 
he may have maintained his high church oppo_ 
position throughout his residence in Salem. 

In 1(3 10 and '42, he had some small causes at 
the Quarter Court, in Salem. In the forme r 
year he received £3 as plaintiff against Richard 
Cook 2d of 1st month, 1640, he was fined £10 
at the Quarter Court; in Boston, for rude and 
contemptuous speeches ; and for security made 
over a bill of £11. In 1653, at the age of 
sixty-six, ho was living in Boston, when he de- 
posed that Thomas Gray had received Nantas- 
ket by the yeir 1622, from Chikataubut, Saga- 
more of the Massachusetts Indians. 

This is all we have learned of Knight or his 
family. Information is doubtless accessible a- 
niong the Records of Suffolk County. 

Cotemporary with him the next ten years af- 
ter the settlement, were William and Ezekiel 
Knight, at Salem ; William died about 1655, 
leaving wife Elizabeth and four children. 
George at Hingham, John at Water town, 
John at Newbury, Richard at Weymouth, 

William, minister at Topslield, and perhaps 
others, who are not likely all to have been of 
one family. The name is common thruughout 
the country.* 


And his wile Elizabeth, were among the 
original members of the First Church ; her 
maiden name we think was Bradley, as John 
Bradley was called Allen's brother in law, in 
1642. He was admitted a freeman among the 
first, May 18, 1631. He had a grant or fifty 
acres of land on 20 of 12, 1636, at which time 
John Woodbury had a warrant to lay it out. 
On 23d of 2d, 1638, one acre of Salt Marsh 
was granted him adjoining his lot — probably 
at the Oil Planter's Marsh. On the 25th of 
11th month, 1642, William Allen and Robert 
Allen were granted ten acres apiece at the 
Great Pond, ^Wenham L;ike.) William Allen 
was by trade a carpenter; in 1637 he and 
Samuel Archer were to build the powder 
house, and were allowed two months to finish 
it in. He removed to Manchester, where 
many generations of the name have lived. It 
appears that on the 13th of May, 1640, he, 
with sixteen others of Salem, among whom 
were Robert Allen and John Norman, petition- 
ed General Court for liberty to remove to Jef- 
fry's Creek, (Manchester,) and erect a village 
there. He may not have removed immediate- 
ly for it was not until ten years later, that he 
seld his homestead in Salem, viz: On the 9th 
of 4th month, 1650, he sold his late dwelling 
house and one half acre of land adjoining, in 
Salem, and six acres in the south field, to John 
Bridgman, of said place. On the 20th of 
April, 1659, he sold Samuel Gardner, a quanti- 
ty of land lying near the meeting house, be- 
tween Philip Cromwell's and Richard Still- 
man's land.f Like most of the old planters, 

* References. — Felt's Salem Mass. Rcc, Court Files 
Gen. Reg. vol. 1, page 38, Reg. Deeds, Town Rec. &c. 

-f-The following is subjoined for future elucidation 
as to locality. At Court at Boston, July 3, 1632, 
Rev. Mr. Skelton, among other lands was granted 
"ten acres on a Neck of land abutting on the South 

he lived to be aged, dying in 1678 or '9, In 
1364, then an old man, he deposed that it had 
been a resolve of the inhabitants of ^^letn, 
that when land was granted on the fivers that 
skirt the town, a reservation should be made 
for a passage between the top of the banks and 
the water side, and such were undoubtedly a- 
niong the most primitive of our highways. 

His children, baptized at the First Church, 

Deborah, baptized 23d of 2d month, 1637. 
Bethiah, " 16th of 11th month, 1639 
Onisiphorus, " 3d of 5th month, 1642. 

William, " 31st of 3d month, 1646. 
Jonathan, « 29th of 5th month, 1649. 

His son Samuel, probably older than either, 
we do not find mentioned among the baptisms. 

His will is recorded on the 72d folio of the 
first book of Etsex Probate Records, dated 7th 
June, 1678, proved 26th of 4th month, 1679. 
wherein he styles himself "-William Allen, sen* 
of Manchester,'' makes his wife Elizabeth full 
and sole executrix of his property, to be dis- 
posed of after her death ; part of which is as 
follows, "to Samuel, the remainder of the twen- 
ty hve acre lot of upland, and the share of the 
fresh meadow; to 2d son Onisiphorus, and son 
William Allen, my whole fifty acre lot, and an 
acre of ^altmarsh at lower end of my orchard." 
It is remarked that both these sons had houses 
of thnir own, and were to have lands adjoin- 
ing them. In the inventory presented, which 
amounted to £186, 10s, among other lands and 
effects, are mentioned fifteen acres of upland 
lying on the bounds of Beverly, joining to 
Wen ham Gr< j at Pond, also two oxen, one cow 
two heifers, two sheep, and a horse. 

.Robert Allen, probably William's brother, 
was granted on the 4th of 12th month, 1638, 
twenty-five acres of land at J.ffrey Creek; hit- 

River, upon the Harbour River on the North, upon 
William Allen's ground on the East, and upon Mrs 
Higginson's ground on the west." Query. — When 
was William Allen's land, and was Harbour Rive 
the North River, the land being bounded on the 
south by the South River ? 

children were born in 1640 and odd. From 
these men have descended those bearing the 
name in Salem, Manchester and vicinity.* 


A very early settler, purchased Nantasket of 
the Indian Sachem Chikataubut, as early as 
1622, where he was living with John Gray 
and Walter Knight, and to his succor and 
hospitality the persecuted Episcopalians of 
Plymouth fled, and very naturally therefore he 
would accompany Conant to Cape Anne and 
Naumkeag, when the prospects were so flatter- 
ing of the permanent establishment of Episco- 

Thomas Gray, supposed to be the same per- 
son, was located in Marbleharbor, [Marble- 
head,] then a part of Salem, as early as 1631; 
his name is met with as of that place till 1660 
or later. The records of the Quarter Court at 
Salem, and the Court of Assistants at Boston, 
during that period, do not furnish any other 
point worthy of interest relating to him. He 
lived to be aged, and should have been venera- 

Another Thomas Gray was living at Ply- 
mouth in 1643, and died there JJov. 29, 1682. 

Robert Gray, who was born about 1634, liv- 
ed in Salem, and had children born there in 
1656 to '66. He was fined in 1669, for attend- 
ing Quaker meeting ; his will was made in 
1662 ; left Elizabeth, Joseph, Robert, Bethiah, 
Hannah and Mary. The name Robert contin- 
ues to be very common in this family after- 
ward. There were cotemporary families very 
early in the county, and probably ol different 
origins f 

At the commencement of the Cape Anne 
settlement, John Tilley was appointed Over- 
seer of the Fishing interest, while the planting 

* References. — Mass. Rec., Town and Church Rec, 
leg. of Deeds and Probate. 

^References. — Felt's Annals, Drake's Boston, Rec 
vir. Court, Rec. of Mass. Gen. Reg., 2. 235. 


department was placed ia charge of Thomas 

It is generally accepted that Tilley followed 
Conant to Naumkeag in 1626. He took the 
freeman's oath March 4, 1634. He was a 
mariner by occupation, and identified with the 
fishing and commercial trading of Massachu- 
setts till his death in 1636. Ilis name is asso- 
ciated in Colonial affairs with such persons as 
William Peirce and Thomas Beecher, noted 
shipmasters* of that day ; his career subsequent 
to the failure of fishing operations at (Jape 
Anne, related, more particularly, to the South 
side of the Bay, and trade with the neighboring 

In the year 1634 he became involved in 
moneyed difficulties with his partners in trade, 
and General Court, on the 1st- April of that 
year, appointed assignees over his property till 
his "debts be satisfied that he owed in ye Bay,'' 
At the Court of Assistants, held on the 1st of 
July following, his affairs were adjusted by 
mutual consent of the diff rent parties, in the 
appointment of referees, viz.: "John VVinthtop, 
sen., Esq., Mr. Wm. Peirce, Mr. Thomas 
Beecher and Mr. Stagg." 

The difficulties, thus settled, had occurred 
with Mr. Marryner's Company, Mr. Henry 
Coggin and Mr. John Coggin, for moneys paid 
the ship's company, and other matters. Sep;. 
2,. 1635, Tilley was appointed by General 
Court upon a committee with Mr. Thomas 
Dudley, Mr. Beecher, Mr. Walthani, Mr. Dun- 
corn, and Mr. Peirce, with "power to consulre 
advise and take order for the setting, forward 
and after manageing of the fisheing trade and 
vpon their accompt all charges of dyett,. or 
other wayes atfc the tymes of their meeteing to 
be allowed out of rhe fishing stocke." 

In the year 1636 Tilley was on a trading 
voyage as master of a bark and while coming 
down the Connecticut River, notwithstanding 
the caution he received from Capt. Gardner, at 
Saybrook, to be on his guard against surprise 

* Peirce was master of the ship Lyon> and- Beecher 
of the Talbot, in the fleet of 1630. 

of the Indians, he trusted to hit own sagacity, 
and disdained the well intentioned advice, and 
very imprudently left his vessel, in a small 
canoe, with one assi.-tant, on a fowling excur- 
sion along the banks of the river lie landed 
about three miles from the Fort, and was steal- 
thily watched by the Indians in ambush, until 
he had discharged his gun. when a largo num- 
ber of the savages arose from their covert and 
took him prisoner without chance of resistance, 
and at the same time killed the man left in 
charge of the boat. His inhuman captors tor- 
tured him by first cutting off his hands, and 
a while after, his feet also ; noiwith-tanding 
whichs, it is said, he survived for three days, 
and won the admiration of the Indians by the 
manner in which, he endured their cruel tor- 
tures, lie is represented by Winthrop*'as a 
"very stoutf man, and of great understand. 

This dreadful event was one among many 
similar aggravating experiences that our ances- 
tors enduied, in rapid succession, from the na- 
tives, and which led to the swift d struction 
and almost annihilation of the powerful Pe- 
quod tribe ; in which war another of the Old 
Planters, who commanded the Essex men, 
Capt. Trask, of Saltern, signalized himself anl 
won the gratitude of his country. 

We have learned nothkig. of Tilley's descend- 
ants, if any he had. A few years after his 
death we find a family of that name living at 
Plymouth and neighborhood, viz.: Thomas and 
William, in 1643, and John, in 1653. Others, 
and probably of the same family stock, wera 
Hugh Tilley, who came to Salem in the fleet, as 

* Drake, in his History of Boston, expresses somo 
doubts as tf> the identity of John Tilley, mentioned 
by Winthrop and the Mass. Records, with John Tilley 
of the Cape Ann Colony, but the fact of Tilley's prom- 
inency in the trading and fishing interest of Massa- 
chusetts throughout his a tive life, evincing peculiar 
qualifications for the superinten leney of the Capo 
Anne fisheries, convinces us that thesn events, occu- 
pying in time but a few years, all relate to one 
and the same individual. 

f. Courageous. 


a servant to Sir Richard Saltonstall, another 
John Tillev, and also Edward Tilley, with 
their wives and families formed part of 
the 101 Pilgrims who came in the Mayflower 
to Plymouth, in 1020, but they and their 
wives, with three other members of their fami- 
lies, died the first winter.* 


Overseer of the planting interest at Cape 
Anne, at its beginning, wan, according to Far- 
mer, a native of Scotland. Farmer, Young, 
and Felt agree that he followed Conant to 
Salem ; he was one of the original members of 
the first chuich here, was admitted freeman 
May 17, 1637, and was the s»me year member 
of General Court. 

The following grants of land show him to 
have been a man who had prominent claims 
among his fellow Colonists. The title of Mr. 
then of no mean import, generally precedes his 
name in the Records. 

On 2<J of 12. 1636, he had a grant of 100 
acres. On 24, 12, 1637, Mr. Gardner is grant- 
ed an addition t<> his farm, not exceeding twen- 
ty acres. On 17, 2, 1639, Granted a bank of 
upland near his marsh, at Strong Water Brook. 
In 1642 3-4 of an acre near the Rayles.f In 
1643, a parcel of land to set a house upon , near 
the old mill. In 1649, a small piece of mead- 
ow next his farm. Thomas Gardner and 
George Gardner, brothers, were granted land 
on 9 of 8, 1637, who were probably sons of 
Thomas. In 1647, Thomas Gardner, George 
Gardner, and Hilliard Veren were to have 
four acres of meadow each. In 1654, George 
Gardner was to have six acres of upland at 
his ten acre lot He took the freeman's oath 
in 1642. He is called Sargent George, and 
was lieutenant in 1664, under Capt. Walter 
Price. He married Eliza— - — . She was a Qua- 
keress, and in 1658 was indicted "for adher- 
ence to the cursed sect of the Quakers." 

* References — Hubbard 106; Savage's Winthrop 
1, 200; Mass. Records; Drako's Boston; &o. 
X In Beverly, near Wenham. 

Their children were Samuel, born May 14, 

1648. Bethia , born 1654. Hittubell, 

Ehenezer. born 1657, and George. He died 
about 1679. leaving a large family. See record 
of his will, Essex Probate Records, Book 1, 73. 
Nov. 9.1659, John Gardner and Samuel Gard- 
ner, with Walter Price and Henry Bartholo- 
mew, had permission to erect a corn-mill on 
South River. 

This Samuel Gardner was deputy to General 
Court in 1681-2 and 5. Samuel Gardner, sen. 
in his will dated 2 Oct 1689, gave his'-sone 
Jonathan my fishing ketch, and her appurte- 
nances, and my flakes and housing and wth 
else I have at Winter Island." 

Another Samuel Gardner was deputy to 
General Court many years, for most of the 
time from 1694 to 1710. 

Thomas Gardner, supposed the eon of Thom- 
as the first, was a member of the First Church, 
1639, freeman 1641. On the 18 of 5 mo 1637, 
he had a grant from the Town of a five-acre 
lot, "as a great lot." He died in the latter 
part of 1674. He bad two wives, 1st Mar- 
geret Frier, 2d Hamaris Shattock ; the lat- 
ter united with the Quakers, and was often 
fined for her heresy. He had a large family, 
eleven children, viz.: Seeth,* baptized 25 of 10, 
1636, married John Grafton 1 of 10, 1659 ; 
Sarah, Elizabeth, Bethiah, Thomas, George, 
John, Samuel, Joseph, Richard, Merriam. 
Here are six sons and five daughters, with a 
fair chance for posterity. His will, dated 7, 10 
mo 1668, proved 29 March, 1675 ; to his wife 
Damaris he gave up all the estate she brought 
him. also £8 in money, &c. To his dau. Sa- 
rah Balch, £15, dau.,— Seeth Grafton, £15, to 
dau. Merriam Hills — to two dans. Msrriam and 
Susan £5 each, at 18, or marriage ; to his sons 
George and John t salt meadow west of Capt. 
George Corwin's meadow, to his sons Samuel 
and Joeeph, salt meadow east of Corwin's. 
His housing the rest of the lands, goods and 
estate to be divided in seven equal pares ; be_ 

* A daughter— origin of the name to be given in a 
future number. 


tween hia six sons, Thomas, George, Richard, 
John, Samuel and Joseph. Thomas, the eld- 
est, to have two shares. George and Sam, ex- 
ecutors. Mr. Joseph Grafton and Dtacon 
Home, overseers. Robert Pease and Samuel 
Goldthrite, witnesses. Inventory dated 4 of 11, 
1674, val £274 1G s., in which were dw lling 
house and ten acres of land, with orchard, &c 
10 acres in ye Northfield, 100 acres of upland 
and meadow, 20 acres ''lying in ye woods,"' and 
about 2 1-4 acres of salt marsh "lying about 
ye mill," household stuff, &c. 

Gfeggle's Island, in the South River, was 
granted to one Thomas Gardner in 1080. On 
the division of the Sal^m Military Company 
into two separate Companies, in 1674, Joseph 
Gardner took command of one, and John Cur- 
win of the other. 

In 1685, Ebenezer, son of George, left £50 
to poor honest people of Salem, and in 1721, 
John Gardner left one-tenth of his estate for a 
like purpose. 

Tfiis surname has heen known and respected 
throughout the entire history of Salem, and 
descendants are still numerous in this the prim- 
itive abode of their ancestors.* 


is mentioned in Brackenbury's deposition as 
among those he found living at Naumkeag 
when he arrived in 1628, in these words, "old 
Goodman Norman and his sonn.'' Most of 
the old planters were young or middle-aged 
men ; Norman was probably older than any of 
them. This deposition was taken fifty years 
afterward, and when old Norman was probably 
dead, and Brackenbury himself an old man ; 
he was describing matters as they struck him 
on his arrival. We have other evidence that 
Richard Norman was called "Old Norman," 
viz.: in 1649, John Gedney eold Thomas Spoon- 
er a parcel of land which was given "Old Nor- 

Richard Norman and John Norman had 

* References — Hubbard, Felt, Young. Rec. of Mass. 
Probate Rec. City Rec, &c. 

each a grant of twenty acrc^ of land on 8 of 'J 
mo 1637. These persons are the same referred 
to in the quaint line, "Old Goodman Norman 

and his sonn." Felt, Drake, Thornton and 
all other writers describe them, as we think, 
erroneously as Richard and Richard, Jr. John 
Norman, in 1628, was about 15 y<ars old. at 
which time his brother Richard was but three. 
John removed to Jtffiry Creek.* The old gen- 
tleman and his younger son, Richard, removed 
to Marblehead where they were both living in 
1G50 and '53. Richard Norman, sen was pre- 
sented at the Quarter Court at Salem 17 of 7 
mo, 1G50, "for defective fences on Darby fort 
side," [Marblehead. J We do not know when 
he died. 

son of Richard, the "Old Goodman*' had a 
grant of land at Jeffry Creek, 8 of 9 mo, 1637, 
and with sixteen others petitioned General 
Court 14 of 3d mo, 1640, to remove there and 
erect a village. 

At the Quarter Court held at Salem, 3d of 
8 mo, 1637, the Jury found for Richard Inker- 
soil, plaintiff, against John Norman, 40 shil- 
lings, in money, and 30 shillings in mackerell. 
He had removed to Jrffry Creek as early as 
1640 ; in 1650 he petitioned for liberty to 
keep a house of entertainment there. 

He probably lacked some of the graces of the 
man of Uz, for he was once presented at Court 
"for striking Nath'l Masterson with the help 
of an ax to ye breach of ye peace." 

His wife, Arabella, was admitted to the 
First Church in 1637. Her children baptized 
there and also recorded in the Town Records, 
are John, born in 1637, Lydia. Hannah or 
Anna. Arabella and Richard. Her daughter 
Arabella married John Balden in September, 
1664, by Major Dennison, and had Hannah 
and John.f 

In Thomas Williams' will, dated 2 mo 1646, 

* In 1645, Jeffrie's Creek, by order of Geuera 
Court, to be called Manchester, 
t See Essex His. Coll. 1, 35. 


John Norman is called of Jeffry Creek, but in 
the inventory presented the following month, 
he is styl-d of .Marblehead. Ho was residing 
at the latter place in 1648. He died aged 
about GO, in 1672. The leader of the Jeffry 
Greek settlement was "Rev. William. Walton, of 
Marblehead , who expected to remove there, 
but continued to reside at Marblehead. 

The inventory of *he estate of John Norman, 
taken 23 of 9 mo 1672, amounted to £125, and 
consisted of house, upland and meadow, three 
cows, two yearling steers, two calves, and four 
small s ^ine, household stuff, t.).ols, &c. John's 
eon John was a member of the Salem Troop in 
1678, perhaps the same individual, in 1667, 
who had recently "received greate loss at sea 
being taken by the Dutch," as were sundry 
Salem vess .'Is about that time. John adminis- 
tered on his mother Arabella's estate in 1680 # 

Arabella Norman survived her husband seven 
years ; the Inventory of property "she died pos- 
sessed of 23 Nov. 1679," as administratrix of 
the estate of her husband, John Norman, taken 
29 of 4 mo 1680, is recorded in Essex Probate 
llecords. 1. 81, amounting to £150, 16s.: con- 
sisting ot house, barn and orchard, ten acres 
of upland upon the neck, and two acres of salt 
marsh, one acre of s ikmarsh at Kettle Cove, 
&e. Among the items is this remarkable 
statement; "The remaining part of 400 acres 
of land granted by the town of Salem to 8 
men, his part appraised £50." Query, What 
eight men, and why this four hundred acres? 
Have we not here the counterpart to the 1000 
acres at Bass River, which was granted to five 
of the most prominent among the old planters, 
viz.: to Conant, Woodbury, Trask, Palfry and 
Balch, or two hundred acres apiece, — that is, 
four hundred acres, or fifty acres apiece to 
eight other of the old planters, one of whom 
was John Norman? Though we find no other 
record of this grant, is not this conclusion al- 
most irresistible? These eight men. with ap- 
proximate aecuracy can bo found in list of 
names given on page 104. 


son of Richard, and brother of John, was born 
in 1623, as we barn he was forty-nine years of 
age in 1672; he was residing with his old 
father, in Marblehead, in 1653. William Nor- 
man, supposed another brother, also lived 
there in 1648, and probably the same of the 
name who afterward settled at Manchester. 
It was both easy and natural for the Marble- 
head people to cross over the water from that 
place to Manchester in their shallops and fish- 
ing craft. 

The Normans were leaders in the Jeffry 
Creek settlement. Riehard Norman, however, 
remained in Marblehead, where he appears to 
have been a man of enterprise and consequence 
in his day, — possessed considerable property, 
was a lieutenant in the military company, and 
reared a large family : hia wife's name was 
Margaret, and their children, six. sons and two 
daughters, viz.: Rebecca, Richard, William, 
John, Elizabeth, Joseph, Benjamin, and Jona- 
than. He died in 1682. Moses Maverick and 
James Dennis appraised his estate Nov. 20, 
1682, amount to £400. Among the items are, 
One acre lot at the Ferry, a lot in Mr. Hum- 
phry's farm, one acre of salt maush at Salem, a 
tract of land at Dunstable, dwelling-house and 
orchard at Marblehead, furniture in the hall, 
in the old kitchen, in the new kitchen, in the 
great chamber, 'n the, new chamber, in the old 
kitchen chamber, in the cellar, half hhd. of 
Claret and one bbi of Rum, in the yard two 
cows, two heifers, one bull, horse, mare and 
colt, sheep, swine, stage flakes, and yard, half 
a- shallop, &e. His widow, Margaret, and 
Lieut. John Pickering admini>ttred upon hia 
estate. His son, Richard, died at sea about 
1682, leaving what little property he possessed 
to his cousin, Hannah Balden. In 1690 his 
sons, William and John, were charged with 
sundry goods delivered them from their father's 
estate by their mother, Margaret Norman, and 
Lieut. Pickering. His son Joseph married 
Mary , and died on 18 Nov. 1691. 


On the westerly bide of Gloucester harbor, 
not far from the present eastern hound of Man 
Chester, the early home of the Normans, a long, 
rocky reef, bare at low water, stretches out 
from the shore, terminated seawardlv, by a 
large rock, designated from disrant times, as 
Norman's Woe; hero, as the name implies, 
shipwreck and disaster befel some individual of 
the family whose name it hours ; this is all 
that can now he learned about it ; neither 
record nor tradition throws any light upon 
this untold calamity, — faded out frjm the 
memory of man : the sea shall perpetually 
surge over the place of Norman's doom, and 
moan in ceaseless lnurmurings, and the winds 
howl around it his dismal requiem forever, and 
forever (ail to communicate the sad story of its 
despairing victim and of the anguish wrung 
from family and friends. ''Norman's Woe" 
—intensely expressive in its doleful brevity, — 
a name never ottered by the passing mariner, 
without vibrating a chord in his. large and sym- 
pathetic heart. 

Another locality, Norman's Rocks, a crag 
on the western border of Salem, and Norman 
s.treet, also in Salem, commemorate the name 
of a family long extinct here, and as far as our 
knowledge g »es, in the vicinity also. The 
Boston Directory was printed in 1789 by one 
John Norm in. We are unable to say where 
descendants, if any. of the family now reside. 
Mention of the nama is occasionally seen 
diffjrent pirts of the- cjuatry. 


was, without doubt, settled in Naumkeag be- 
fore the arrival of Endicott. He was born 
about 1587. consequently forty years of age 
when he came to New England. Mr. Hub 
bard, who was settled as minister at Ipswich 
several years bet'oie Mr. Trask's death, and 
who, no doubt, knew him, says expres.-lv that 
Endicott's party "added to Captain Trask and 
John Woodbury, &c, they went on comforta- 
bly together to make preparation for the new 
Colony that w r ere coming over." 

How long hi' was here previous to the arri- 
val of the Abigail is not known ; certain it is 
that he was granted one of the five (anus of 
200 acres each, to the old planters, [making 
1000 acres,] at Bass River, in 1635, which 
seems to settle the matter b -yond controversy. 
He is among the original members of the iirst 
church, and was on the first list (Oct. 19, 
1030.) of those who petition -d General Court 
to be made freemen, and took his oath in May 
following. Nov. 7, 1032, Capt. Trask and 
Mr. Conant, appointed, with others, by General 
Court, to set tha bounds between Dorches- 
ter and Roxhury. In 1635, he with Conant, 
Woodbury, Balch and Ma^sey, were appointed 
overseers of land, and associated with Mr. 
Humphry, Mr. Endicott and Capt. Turner to 
set the bounds of Newbury Patent, and Mr. 
Dumer's farm of 500 acres, near the falls of 
Newbury; and in 1637 he was on a committee 
to lay out Mr Humphry's farm. In 1035 and 
ths four following years, he was a deputy from 
Salem to the Great and Gtneral Court, lie 
had several grants of land from the town be- 
side his farm of 200 aeres. At one time 100 
acres, and on 9 of 8, 1037, he is allowed five 
acres of meadow next Mr. Johnson's farm. 
In 1636 he erected a water-mill for grinding 
corn, on the North River, at a place above 
what are now called F rye's Mills ; before this 
time most of the corn used was pounded in 
Querns.* On 30 of 1, 1640, he had leave to 
set up a tide-mill upon the North River, pro- 
vided he made a sufficient passage for a shallop 
from half tide to full sea ; it thus appears to 
have been the original policy of the Town to 
keep the water courses free from obstruction. 
He also set up a fulling-mill not far from his 
corn-mill, about the same time. When, about 
1636, it was proposed to build thccollege here, 
Mr. Trask gave up his farm to Thomas Scruggs, 
who poesjssad land at tho d -signated place be- 
yond Forest River, on what is now a beautiful 

* A kind of stone pestle and mortar, for private 
use, a few specimens of which, are still preserved in 
theol families. 


Plain at the Marblebead farms, thus leaving 
the lot unencumbered. 

In 1648 General Court granted Capt. Trask 
250 acres of land. The same year he exchang- 
ed 250 acres of land with Gov. Endicott for 
500 app!c tree* of three years' growth being 
two traes for an acre of land, then no doubt 
an equitable bargain. Again, 1G56, he exchang- 
ed 100 acres of land, near Spring Pond, for 
a cow which was valued at £5. He lived in 
Salem village, or what is now South Danvers, 
and during the litigations of the Mason claim, 
his estate was forced to pay 15 shillings 
rent in acknowledgment of said claim. He 
was an energetic man, a brave soldier, and 
reliable in case of an emergency. He was one 
of the first, if not the first military commander 
in Massachus tts ; we can safely say of him 
as has been said of Capt. Mason, — what 
Captain Standish was to the Plymouth Colony, 
and Captain Mason to Connecticut, Captain 
Trask was to the Massachusetts Colony. 

In 1634 he was on a committee of seven to 
superintend the fortifications. We notice he 
was Captain this year, as he no doubt was 
from the beginning of the first Massachusetts 
trained band ; the few military commanders 
were ordered to train their bands once every 
month. He was once sent (1635) by General 
Court after some rogues who had stolen a boat 
find other things, and fled to the eastward. 
Capt. Trask overtook them at Piscataqua, 
brought them back to Boston, where they 
paid penalty for their villainy in both fines and 
stripes. Captain Trask figures most conspicu- 
ously as a Captain in the famous Pcquod 

This powerful tribe of Indians, in the wilds 
of the Connecticut, became very aggressive and 
ins dent ; they destroyed several parties of 
traders and others, among whom were two 
noted traders, John Oldham and John Tilley. 
The Colonies were threatened with extermina- 
tion by the Pequodsand confederate tribes, and 
the country became effectually aroused. On 
7 Dec , 1636, Gwneral Court selected officers 
for service in the various towns, to organize 

their bands for defence against surprise by the 
Indians. The militia of the Jurisdiction were 
divided into three regiments ; the East Regi- 
ment was placed under command of John 
Endecott, Coll., John Winthrop, Jr., lieut. 
coll., and Capt. Trask, muster master. At 
the organization of the Salem company, a few 
weeks after, Mr. William Trask was appointed 
captain, Richard Davenport,* lieutenant, and 
Thomas Reade, ensign. 

For this campaign, in 1637, Massachusetts 
raised 160 men. twenty-four of whom were 
from Salem. They were under commandcr-in 
chief, Captain Stoughton. 

The wonderful success of this expedition re- 
sulted in the overthrow, and almost the anni- 
hilation of this formidable tribe. 

June 6, 1639. General Court granted 6000 
acres of land to nineteen meritorious individuals, 
not all soldiers, among whom w ere Cap -.Trask, 
who had 200 acres of land "in regard of much 
service," and Lieut. Davenport 150 acres. 
Captain Trask retained command of the com- 
pany in Salem, till October, 1645. when he re- 
ceived his discharge from General Court "with 
all due acknowledgment of his faithfulness 
and former good service to the country," and 
Wm. Hathorne was appointed his successor, 
as it was thought Capt Trask resided at too 
great a distance to be of service in case of sud- 
den attack from the seaboard, by foreign ene- 
mies ; at the game time Wm. Clarke was ap- 
pointed lieutenant, and Wm. Dixie, ensi«rn. 

Oct, 19, 1658. At a Court of Assistants, 
he was granted 400 acres of land in the Pcquod 
country, and in 1661, when far advanced in 
life, (74th year,) he presented a petition, to 
General Court, written by himself in a bold 
and still beautiful hand, rarely equalled by 
one who had passed the bounds of threescore 
and ten years. It is still preserved among the 

* Lieut. Davenport was Ensign bearer when Gov- 
ernor Endicott cut the cross from the King's colors; 
he was afterwards Captain of the Castle in Boston 
Harbor where he was killed by lightning July 15, 
1G65, aged 59. 


State archives. It is short and reads thus : 

"To the Honorable General Court now assem- 
bled at Boston: 

The humble petition of Win. Trask, off Sa- 
lem, and some others who served under him in 
the expedition against the Pequots, Iluinbly 

Whereas yr petitionrs understand that seve- 
ral gentlemen have lands granted and laid out 
at the Pequots County that was, and others 
are likely to put in for more, who it may bee 
never swet 80 much for it, as some off us bled 
on it, and for your service— 

These therefore humbly pray the Court to 
consider of it, and in your wisdom to appoint 
such a portion of land and some meet men to 
lay it out as in your goodness shall think meet ; 
and your petfr ionrs shall ever remain 

Your ever obliged W. Traske for himself 
and other souldiers under him. 
Consented to by the Magistrates. 
Ki. Bellingham, Dept Govr. 

In answer to this p- tition ye Deputies think 

meet to grant Capt. Traske 400 acres of land 

in the place desired, with reference to the 

consent of our honored Magistrates hereunto. 

Wm Torrey, Cleric." 

Mr. Trask lived to the ripe age of 77 years. 
"What an eventful period was the latter half 
of his life, and how much did he witness of re- 
sults that his valor, industry and self-sacrifice 
helped, in a great measure, to produce. 

He died May 16, 16GG. and by order of the 
town was buried with military honors. His 
will was made only the day previous to his 
death, when the valiant Captain fu? rendered, 
and was but just able to sign the letter (W.) 
agairst Hie name of Win. Trask Sen r r. 

He left a wife, Sarah, and children, Mary, 
Susan, William, John and Sarah. The bap- 
tisms of his children are found in the 1st 
church records, viz : 

Mary, baptized 1, 11, 1636. 

Susanna, " — , 10, 1638. 

William, « 19, 7, 1640. 

John, " 13, 7, 1642. 

Eliza. « 21, 7, 1645. 

In hia will he speaks of his dwelling-houM 

and orchard. To William he gave " all the 
meadow that lyeth between the upper and the 
lower mill, and all the upper mill pond." 
The location of his mill, dwelling house, &c, 
can now be traced. 

"The house in which he died, in 1666, was 
according to tradition, about 200 feet in the 
rear of the present one, huilt by his son Wil- 
liam, probably about 1680. which has been 
the birth-place of his descendants for five gen- 
ecations. The w<41 dug hy the old pioneer two 
centuries ago, still remains, the water of which 
is in constant use. The original grst mill 
erected by him in 1636 was situated on the 
river back of his dwelling-house ; and it ia 
said that remnants of the dam are now visible, 
when the water in the pond is drawn off " 
Edward Trask, probably a grandson, w T as one 
of Capt Lathmp's seventy men slain at Bloody 
Brook, Sept. 18, 1675. 

The descendants of Capt. Trask are still liv- 
ing in Salem, Danvers, and vicinity. One of 
them, Wm. B. Trask, Esq., of Dorchester, to 
whom I am much indebted, is collecting mate- 
rial for a memoir of the Captain and genealogy 
of his descendants.* 

or Jeffries, was settled in this neighborhood 
before the arrival of Gov. Endicott. It is not 
known when he came over. He probably lived 
gome time at Jtffry Creek (now Manchester) 
which bore his name, and which lies between 
the two settlements of Cape Aone and Nauia- 

He was called William Jeffries, Gentleman, 
in the Company's first letter of instructions, 
21st April, 1629, and generally had the then 
comparatively rare title of Mr. prefixed to his 
name. He was an Episcopalian. It is sup- 
posed that Jeffry and Blackstone, of BostoD, 
belonged to Robert Gorges' party, who settlec at 

* References— Essex Reg. 1852, 370, and 10 
101, 1857, 257; Mass. Hist. Coll., 25, 109; Hubbard 
Farmer, Prince, Felt, Young, Town Rec, Church 
Rec, Mass. Rec, <feo. 


Wessagassett in September, 1623. They acted 
as the agents of John Gorges, who succeeded 
to his brother's patent, and were empowered 
by him to put John Oldham in possession of 
his afterward contested territory. Jeffry was 
admitted freem m among the first, May 18, 
1631 There was a Sargent Jeffries in the Pe- 
quod war. in 1637, honorably mentioned by 
Capt. Mason, in his narrative, and also in 
Winthrop's letter to the Governor in connec 
tion witli Ensign Davenport, who belonged to 
the Salem company, as we think Jeffry did 

In 1638 Wm. Jeffry removed to the neighbor- 
hood of the Rhode Island plantations, and in 
1641 and 2 wa:- among the proprietors of Wey- 
mouth, where he was commissioned to join par- 
ties in marriage. On 16 Oct 1660, General 
Court granted him 500 acres of land "on the 
South si le of our patent to be a final issue of 
all claims by virtue of any grant heretofore 
made by any Indian whatever." 

This allusion to an Indian grant was on ac- 
count of a claim of his to Jeffry 'a Neck, in 
Ipswich, on the plea of a purchase of the In- 
dians, and having made his claims before the 
Court suffici sntly clear, he received this grant 
in iieu therefor ; this unsurveyed tract of land 
he sold to Wm. Hudson, who in 1665, pe- 
titioned General Court that Lieut. Joshua 
Fisher and company might bo appointed to lay 
it out, who were accordingly directed so to do, 
provided it encroached not upon any other ior- 
msr grant. 

Jeffry U thought also to have had possesaions 
at an eu-ly date, at the Isle of Shoals, proba- 
bly nothing m >re, however, than the erection 
of fish fl tkes there. 

It has ^een supposed that he was an old 
acq aaintanceand intimate friend of the noto- 
rious and troublesome Morton, of Merry 
Mount, tfho in a letter to Jeffry, dated May, 
1631. addresses him as "My very good gossip;" 
it is however, equally certain that sixye.»rs be- 
fore, Je&'ty had contributed a sum towards de- 
raying the expenses attendant upon the arrest 

and extradition of the same individual ; this 
may have been compulsory or in the nature of 
taxation or assessment. Morton, as is well 
known, again returned to this country, to be'a 
further irritation to the Massachusetts author- 

The condition of the country in regard to 
roads after twenty years of occupancy may be 
learned by the following order at Town Meet- 
ing, 26, 8, 1646 :— "That William Woodbury, 
Richard Brackenbury, Ensign Dixie, Mr Co- 
nant, Lieut. Lithrop and Lawrence Leach, 
shall forthwith lay out a way between the 
Ferry at Salem and the head of Jeffry 's Creek, 
and that it be such a way as men may travel 
on horseback or drive cattle, and if such a way 
may not be found, then to take speedy course 
to set up a footbridge at Mackerel Cove." 

Of the descendants of Wm Jeffry, we have 
learned nothing, unless the following person 
be one of them : — "Edward Jeffries, who was 
drowned on the 25th d iy of May, 16S3, as he 
was going from on b >ard the ketch called the 
Adventure, Andrew Ellet, jr.. [Elliott.] being 
master, from Mackerel Cove to the Ferry place or 
thereabouts, on Beverly aide." The inventory 
of his effects, valued £10 4 s. is recorded Essex 
Probate book 2: 23. 

This surname is now extinct in Salem. The 
elderly portion of our emmuniry, however, 
remember a family of the name who formerly 
resided in Salem, as James Jeff.y died 
in 1807, aged 74, and his brother John died 
in 1812 at about the sime age; William, 
another brother, who died in 1772, is proba- 
bly the same who taught the Grammar School 
in 1753 to 5. A sister, Margaret, married 
Stephen Cleveland, Oct. 28, 1772, late of Sa- 
lem, whose posterity now reside among us. 
This family, consisting of six pons and two 
daughters, were the children of James Jeffry, 
who came from Portsmouth, N. II., to Salem, 
in 1722, at the age of 16 years. He was the 
son of James Jeffry, who was born March 10, 
1676, in the Parish of St. Agnes, Cornwall, 
England, and who came to this country and 


lived many years at Portsmouth. He was the 
Bun of Cyprian and Ann JeiTry.* 

In the foregoing paper, which we have en 
titled the Old Planters of Sal>m, we have pre- 
sented a few gleanings of the Uvea and doingn 
of those whose names are known to us ; but 

* References — Young's Chron. of Mass., 171; Win- 
throp's Jlis. ; lice, of Mass.; Com. of II. W. S. 

[Appendix to page 150.] 
The following additional facts, in relation to the 
family of the B,ev. John Lyford, are derived from 
extracts taken from book 1, folio 27, of the Suffolk 
Deeds, kindly furnished by J. W. Dean, of Boston, 
from which we learn, with considerable confidence, 
that Mr. Lyford had died, testate, previous to October, 
1641, devising his property, consisting chiefly of 
tobacco, which may have been the currency in which 
the minister tax was collected in Virginia; and that 
his widow had married Edmund Ilobart, ot Hingham, 
and that two of his children, viz: Mordecai and 
Ruth, were then living at that place. As the ex- 
tracts are short, and as so few facts remain to us rel- 
ative to Lyford and his family, they are presented 
entire. Not many years after tiiis we find Lyfords 
in Exeter, N". II. whither descendants had probably 
removed from Hingham: 

" 4, 1642. Be it known vnto all men by 

these prsents, that I, Ruth Leytord of Hingham in 
the Bay of Massachusetts, in New England, have 
fully acquited and discharged Edmund Hubbert, 
senior, my Step Father, of a legacye of 200 li. of To 
bacco, given me by my Father John Ley ford, by his 
last will ami Testament, of wch gifft I acknowlidge 
niyselfe fully sattisfyed & contented. 21 October, 
1641. In wittness whereof I have heervnto sett my 
hand and scale, the day & yeare above written. 

hand <fc seale 
In ye presence of Tho: Nicolls & Mordicay Leyford.'' 

" 4, 1642. Be it known vnto all men by 

these prsents that I Mordicay Lyford, of Hingham 
in the Bay of Massacusetts in New England, have 
fully acquited and discharged Edmund Hubberd se- 
nior my .Step Father, of a legacye of 500 li. of To- 
bacco, and one cow aid one heyfer, given me by my 
Father Jo: Lyford, of web gifft I doe acknowlidge 
myselfe fully sattisfyed <fc contented. 3 of June 
1642 In wittness whereof I have subscribed my 
hanl & sett to my seale the day and year above 
In ye prsence of Clement Bate, John Beale his X 



in drawing these remarks to a close, it ii 
with Home regret that we had not entitled it 

the Old Planters of Massachusetts ; lor the 
early history of Salem, is the nintory of the 
Colony, and of tho Commonwealth for the 
time being, not one line of which can be 
spared from the history of our common coun- 

In our attempt at designating the spot on 
which they settled in Salem, we have followed 
Hubbard, Felt, Rantoul, and other writers, 
assisted by the accepted tradition, and have 
staged that upon the dispersion of the Cape 
Anne colonists, they settled upon the compar- 
atively small peninsula lying between Naum- 
keag, now North River, and Shallop, or Col- 
lin*' Cove, — there, no doubt. Conant and some 
of his followers built their first small and un- 
substantial cottages. But when we consider 
that they were at peace with the few Indians, 
who frequented the neighborhood, whose livei 
had been spared from the distemper that had 
t'3n years before so nearly depopulated this re- 
gion, we do not perceive the necessity of the 

first settlers hovering very closely together ; 

surrounded as they were by such a vast terri- 
tory, waiting for occupancy and possession ; — ■ 
so many jutting capes and headlands, suitable 
for the fisheries; - so many sheltered coves and 
safe harbors, bordered on all sides by woods 
or other lands easily cleared and subdued 
for cultivation. These pioneers, foreseeing 
that the time would soon come when manj 
other adventurers would claim a share in these 
unappropriated wilds, would very naturally se- 
lect the best localities, and spread out their 
individual possessions over a larger number of 
acres than was compatible with the limited 
lecality above mentioned, and consequently we 
believe if ever the requisite zeal be put forth 
among the first public grants or private con- 
vevances of land for a more accurate localiza- 
tion of the first abodes of the Oh* Planters, 
it will be found that they embraced a much 
wider extent of surface, or were more separ- 
ately and distantly located than is now gene- 
rally supposed. 


Five of the most promioent of them we 
know, soon accepted farms (of their own selec- 
tion) from the new government, and which 
thej had, no doubt, previously improved on 
the Cape Anne side of the stream, or, more 
accurately, at Bass Kiver. Their withdrawal 
from the nucleus of the town, resulted in part 
from dissatisfaction engendered by what they 
regarded as too light an estimate by the new 
or Massachusetts company of their abilities, 
rights and improvements, and we believe i( 
the old planters had had some other leader 
than the virtuous and peaceful Conant, they 
might have combined with Mr. Oldham and the 
Gorges, or other conflicting patent to a much 
greater discomfiture of the powerful and wise, 
but to them in the outset, somewhat inconsid- 
erate and oppressive government. 

The great highway of the first settlers, and 
their means of travel and conveyance, can be 
given in one word, — the sea, — for in place of 
the endless variety of vehicles we now possess, 
that willing beasts draw, or unwearied steam 
impels, they had little else than the shallon and 
canoe. The perils they often encountered, to 
Which their wives and children, their teachers 
and magistrates were alike exposed, furnish us 
"With melancholy proof of this their evident 
necessity. It was natural, therefore, for 
them to explore the indented coast, and locate 
here and there more or less permanently, as 
fancy of interest dictated. The inland coun- 
try was an impenetrable wilderness, full of 
every description of peril, and its exploration 
but slowly attempted. 

Thus Jeffrey, an active, uneasy spirit, wan- 
dered about the coast, settling now at one lo- 
cality, then at another, appropriating territory 
to himself, or buying it of some Indian Sa- 
chem ; and so Tilley and Oldham, in their 
fishing and trading vessels went hither and 
thither, as self-interest or the orders of their 
joint partners directed. 

Norman, the elder, soon settled on the 
Darby fort side, or at Marblehead, and a 
portion of the inhabitants of that place then 

part and parcel of the great territory and ju- 
risdiction of Salem, when they had found a 
minister as counsellor and guide, asked the 
privilege of settling across the water at Jeffrey 
Creek, or Manchester, whose sheltered har- 
bour and forest-clad hills skirted in pleasing 
outline the northern shore. There the Aliens 
and one or more Normans, of the old planters, 
fixed their final abode. Thus it was, from 
point to point, island to island, and harbour to 
harbour, that thecountrv along the coast and 
up the rivers became settled ; here a few 
fish-flakes, easih 7 constructed from the neighbor- 
ing woods, and an attendant shallop or two 
denoted a fishing settlement, and there 
a few cottages clustering around a house of 
worship, began a more enduring plantation ; 
thus settlements increased at varied intervals 
along the great margin of waters. 

Upwards of two and one quarter centuries 
have passed away since Conant and his follow- 
ers built their humble dwellings on the banks 
of yonder stream and dropped the first seed in 
the soil of Massachusetts. Their descendants 
have since numbered thousands. About eight 
gent rations have been born, and have either 
acted or are now acting their parts upon the 
same stage of their ancestors early trials, but 
how varying the scenes witnessed by each. 
Most of the old planters lived to be aged, and 
unless they were "inspired by some superior in- 
stinct, '"* they could hardly have imagined such 
results as they were privileged to behold ere 
they fell asleep in the land of their adoption. 

What a debt of gratitude do their descend- 
ants owe them for the enterprise, foresight and 
perseverance, that planned and carried through 
those early projects that have been crowned 
with such stupendous results. 

Inasmuch as we are grateful for what our 
ancestors have done for us, let us be jealous of 
their honor, and when with pride we look 
down the long array of worthies that adorn 
the history of our Commonwealth, let ui not 

* Hubbard. 


forget the old planters of Naumkeag, strug- 
gling to sustain the infant settlement through 
the dreary winters of 1G2G and 27. We, their 
descendants, can form but a very imperfect 
idea of the impression that this rude and in- 
hospitable country then presented. 

There is, however, one aspect which must 
forever remain much the same, and the one 
which was most deeply engraven on the minds 
of the settlers. It we launch out upon the 
bosom of the Bay on some pleasant day in 
June, when the clear sky and sleeping waters 
blend in one mirror of light, and the air is 
redolent with the fragrance of young leaves 
and opening flowers ; or. later, under the lofti- 
er skies of September, after the atmosphere 
has been winnowed by the rains of August, 
and all nature is in her fullness of apparel, 
we shall see much that greeted the eyes of 
Winthrop when in the Arbella, he led the 
fleet of 1630, or that Endieott beheld when he 
landed here, two years earlier. 

How agreeable the contrast presented on 
these two occasions, compared with the advent 
oftbeLeyden Pilgrims at Plymouth ten or 
twelve years before. 

The ocean, with its restless waters, still 
"throbs its everlasting pulse," and "reflects 
the eternal mechanism of the skies." The 
same hills touch the horizon, and similar 
breezes fan the shore now, as at first witnessed 
by the storm-tossed Puritans and Pilgrims. 

On the north , reposing upon the bosom of the 
sea, lies Cape Anne, and far down to the 
south, Cape Cod stretches out her crooked arm 
over the waters, while between them lies the 
curving outline of Massachusetts with its 
rocky coast. Here is the very vestibule of 
New England, — the gateway through which 
entered the effective Puritan element of Amer- 
ean institutions. Here, at the beginning of 
the 17th century, it was that Gosnold explored 

and named the southern boundary — Cape Cud 
— from the abundance of that fish found in 
its vicinity. Here Captain Smith, in rapture* 
with the country sailed in and out as ho sur- 
veyed the coast. Here the Dorchester mer- 
chants laded their ships with codfish, beaver 
skins, clapboards and medicinal roots. Hero, 
near the Southern cape, the Pilgrims of 1G20, 
amid the blasts of winter, cast their lot in the 
naked wilderness; and near the northern cape 
at first her offspring, but afteward her rival, 
sprang the Colony of Massachusetts, whieh 
soon outstripped and enfolded her into one. 

The forests that everywhere clothed the 
hill sides, arched the streams, or bordered the 
sea, and breathed the sweet cadencies of sum- 
mer winds, or heralded the storms, for centu- 
ries—have gone forever, and in their places have 
arisen our cities and towns, wich their temples 
and seminaries of learning, our factories and 
workshops, our comfortable abodes and culti- 
vated fields. 

The winds that waft seaward our s>ips to 
the ends of the earth, murmur with the din of 
industry and the rumbling of steam cars, that 
bear the burdens of trade, and thousands of 
passengers between marts of business and the 
homes of a happy people, instead of being la- 
den with the war whoop of the savages and 
the dismal cry of the wolf and the bear. 

Here it was that that seed was scattered 
which the "Lord sifted a nation" to find. — 
Here was the nursery of civil and religious 
freedom, which has spread its offspring far and 
wide over the land, "from the sea on the east, 
to the sea on the west." The sun that risei 
from between the capes of Massachusetts till it 
sets at the golden gate of California, shines 
upon the joint heritage of the Puritans. Sure- 
lv then may we thank God that we are their 
sons, and pray that He may forever save the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the 
union of the States. 



Copied by Ira J. Pateh. 
[Continued from page 115.] 
Rich'd Crannever & Elizabeth Woolland 
married by Major William Hathorne, 7th 
April, '65; son William born ye 27th De- 
cember. 'G5; da. Elizabeth borne 13th Septem- 
ber, 1GG8 ; son Richard, 12th July, 1671 ; Ed- 
ward, borne 28th March, 1674. 

Isaack Cooke maried to Elizabeth Ruxstone 
3d May, '64; their daughter Elizabeth, borne 
23d September, 1665 ; son lsaack born ye 9th 
11th mo. 1666; theire daughter Mary borne 
12th 9ih mo. 1668. 

Mr Rich'd Croad, his daughter Sira borne 
by Frances, hie wife, ye 3d 12rh, '65 ; theire 
■on William, borne the 9th 12ch mo. 1667; 
daughter iianna, b >rne the 14th 9th mo. 1671 ; 
Bon John borne ye 25 12th mo. 1672. 

Mr. John Corwin & Margarett Winthrop 

were married the May. 1665 ; their son 

George born ye 26th February, 1666 ; theire 
dau'r Elizabeth borne ye 23th Apnll, 1668 ; 
their daughter Lucy borne the 11th Mav. 1670; 
Daughter liana born ye 4th 2d mo 1672. 

Giles Coree maryed to Mary Britz 11th 
April, -64. 

William Curtice, his daughter Elizabeth 
borne by Alis, his wife, 11th mo. 1668 ; 
daughter Iianna borne 6th mo. 1670. 

John Cole and Mary Knight were married by 
Major Win. Hathorne the 28th May 1667 ; 
■on John bo IS May 1668 ; son Thomas borne 
in November 1669 and dyed the same year. 
Mary, borne 1st 7th mo. 1671; Hanna borne 
12th 10th mo. 1674. 

Venus Col lfox maryed to Mary Dayo the 
20th August 1666: their daughter Elizabeth 
borne 14th June '67 ; daughter Marv borne 
04th 11th mo '70; liana borne 7th May, '72. 
and died 3 months after ; eon John borne 18th 
7th mo. 1674. 

George Cockes and Mary Mason were maryd 
23d February '67 ; their son George borne the 
24th 9 mo, 1668 ; James borne the 3d of Da- 
cembor, 16 7 ; Mary born 20th June, 72. 

Corne'yusConcklin deceased ye 21st March, 

Mrs. Elizabeth Corwin ye wife of Capt. 
George Corwin, deceased ye 15th 7th mo 

Capt. George Corwin and Mrs. Elizabeth 
Brooks, widow, were married *"ne 221 7th mo. 
1669 ; theire daughter Penellopwe was borne 
7th 6th mo '70 ; daughter Susaua borne 10th 
10th mo 1672. 

Peter Cheevers and Ljdda Haly were maried 
the 19th 2d mo 1669 : their sons Peeter and 
Samuel, being twins, borne the 29th 10th mo. 

Henry Colhorne & Sara Golt were maryed 
10th mo 1665; their dau. Cristian, borne 
25th 10th mo. 1666, and died 1st 6 mo "67 ; 
son Henry borne the 26th January, 1667, and 
dyed 17*h 4th mo. '69; Sara borne 2121 mo, 
1671; Johanah borne 20th 7th mo, 1673, and 
died ye 21th 7th mo. '73 : Mary borne the 
17th 10th mo. 1674. 

Michaell, the son of Michaell Combes, borne 
by Joane, his wife the 22d March, 1668-^9; 
theire son Joshua borne the 23d 12th mo. 

Thos. Clungen, his daughter Elizabeth borne 
by Eliza, his wife, in August, 1670. 

Mr. Phillip Cromwell and Mary L?mon, 
widdow, wnre maried the 19th Novembor, 
1674. D rithy, his former wife, dyed 2Sth of 
September, 1673. 

Abraham Cole and Sara Davis were maried 
the 11th of June, 1670; theire son Simuell 
born 14th Miv, 1671, and deceased a month 
after; Daughter Sara borne the 29 th of Au- 
gust. 1672: Abraham, born 6th Jan 1674. 

Francis Collins, his son William* borne by 
Hanna, bis wife, 9th 7th mo. '69. deceased 9 
months after ; Abigaile born in October, 1671. 
Benjamin born 14th May, 1674. 

Index of ISTames. 

Abbot, 33, 113. 

Abbott, 96, 169. 

Abby, i\L 

Acosta, 130. 

Adam, 18, 19, 20, 21, 

22, 27. 31, 32. 
Adams, 33, 85, 112. 
Adden, 112. 
Ager, IK 38. 
Aiden, 164, 165. 
Alderman, 4, 38. 
Alfard, 4. 
Alford, 38. 
Allen, 8, 38, 95, 102, 

103, 104, 112, 156, 

165, 171, 183, 185, 

186, 187, 188, 198. 
AJHn, 33, 85. 
Ally, 5. 
Ambrose, 3. 
Ames, 38, 39, 111. 
Anderson, 96. 
Andrew, 33, 53, C6, 111, 

'Andrews, 50, 54, 85, 91, 

Andros, 84, 91, 127, 170. 
Annable, 181. 
Anthrop, 39. 
Antram, 182. 
Antrum, 33, 39, 92. 
Appleton, 55, 63. 
Archard, 11, 143. 
Archer, 33, 71, 112, 158, 

Arnold, 84. 
Ash by, 33. 
Ashton, 113. 
Aspinwall, 186. 
Attwater, 33. 
Auger, 38. 
Austin, 113. 
Averill, 10. 

Avery, 39, 50. * 

Ayer, 5, 6. 
Ayres, 95. 
Babadge, 34. 
Babbadge, 113. 
Babson, 95. 


■ Bachelor, 36, 114. 
Backster, 33. 
Bacon, 10, 34, 36, 50. 
Badcock, 65. 
Baggerly, 39. 
Baik^, 36. 
Baker, 34, 48, 55, 74, 

Balden, 35, 191, 192. 
Baldin, 35. 
Balch, 8, 38, 51, 101, 

102, 103, 104, 109, 

110, 143, 147, 150, 

151, 152, 153, 156, 

185, 186, 190, 192, 

Balhack, 177. 
Ballard, 49. 
Baltimore, 155. 
Bancroft, 119, i22, 123, 

Bank, 53. 
Bankes, 38. 
Bann, 38. 
Barber, 4. 
Barbolton. 66. 
Barker, 50, 58, 96. 
Barnard, 62. 
Barnes, 33, 34, 183. 
Barnett, 34, 
Barney, 5, 35, 38, 39, 

92, 96. 
Barr, 113. 
Barry, 17, 19, 20, 21, 

22, 31, 33. 
Bartholomew, 5, 6, 7, 8, 

33, 39, 143, 144, 183, 

Bartlett, 4, 49, 53. 
Bartoll, 93, 114. 
Barton, 36, 114, 172. 
Bassett, 96, 111. 
Batchelder. 144. 
Batcheler, 36, 39. 
Batchellor, 36. 
Bate, 197. 
Batter, 9, 11, 35, 38, 41, 

48, 49, 51, 92, 93. 95, 

96, 113, 182, 183. 

Baxter, 35, 36. 

Bayley, 8. 
Bayly, 114. 
Bcachum, 34. 35. 
Beadle, 34, 35, 113, 158, 

175, 183. 
Beal, 112. 
Beale, 197. 
Bean, 112. 
Beckett, 80. 
Bedell, 80. 
Beecher, 189. 
Beiflowcr, 95. 
Belknap, 3, 8, 33, 34. 
Bell, 113, 152. 
Bellamont, 78, 82. 
Bellingham, 195. 
Bellyhao, 177. 
Bonnet, 5, 114, 182, 183. 
Bennett, 36. 
Bentley, 157, 158, 159, 

100, 163, 164, 165, 

160, 178, 179. 
Best, 35. 
Betty, 34. 
Bickford, 112. 
Bieulieu, 16, 31. 
Bigsby, 7. 
Birdsale, 114. 
Birdsalls, 9, 
Bishop, 11, 12, 13, 33, 

34, 38, 48, 92, 164. 
Bitfield, 10. 
Bitnar, 8. 
Blacey, 153. 
Black, 112. 
Blacke, 38. 

Blaekleech, 38, 39,84. 
Blackstone, 195. 
Biake, 79. 
Blethin, 36. 
Bloorafield, 3. 
Bly, 34, 36. 
Blyth, 113. 
Blythe, 154. 
Bond, 150. 
Bonner, 175. 
Boone, 35. 
Buoth, 36. 

Bootsman, 33. 

Borne, 4. 

Bosworth, 139, 101, 183. 

Boudinot, 111. 

Bouen, 35. 

Bound, 38. 

Bourgucs?, 14, 15. 

Boutelle, 9. 

Bott, 113. 

Bowdidgc, 172. 

Bowditch, 135, 154, 167, 

160, 172, 184. 
Eoycc. 4, 10,35. 
Boyes, 8, 50. 
Boyle, 50, 51. 
Boys, 50. 
Boysc, 10, 113. 
Brackenburg, 182. 
Brackentury, 38, 52, 67, 

101, 102, 1U5, 156, 

186, 191, 196. 
Bracket, 35. 
Bradford, 72, 75, 140, 

148, 149, 150. 
Bradish, 78, 112. 
Bradley, 187. 
Bradstreet, 11, 71, 81, 

82, 9t, 119,170. 
Brajrg, 92, 113. 
Branian, 66. 
Brankett, 124. 
Bransom, 112. 
Brattle, 166. 
Bray, 17, 25, 36, 114, 

Brayne, 38. 
Brcck, 111. 
Breed, 5, 144. 
Brewer, 183. 
Brewster, 148. 
Bridges, 34, 36, 58, 1S2. 
Bridgman, 50, 187. 
Bright, 38. 
Brit/., 200. 
Broagham, 4. 
Brocklebank, 96. 
Brooks, 112, 138, 200. 


Brown, 3, 4, 34, 54, GG, 
68, 80, 81, 82, 83, 92, 
93, 93, 90, 1"!), 112, 
141, 144, 153, 171, 

172, 173, 180, 182. 

Browne, 3,4, 6, 10. 11, 
33, 34, 35, 30, 39, 49, 
GG, 82, 84, 80, 92, 93, 
95, 120, 121, 130, 
143, 144. 157, 100, 
1GG, 108, 171, 172, 
175, 170, 177. 

Browning, 3, 35, 38. 

Buffington 114. 

Buffum, 30, 49, 50, 115. 

Bultinch, 4. 

Bulflower, 33, 95. 

Bullock, 34, 51, 114. 

Bunker, 51. 

Burbank, 112. 

Burch, 33, 36. 

Burchal, 39. 

Burch am, 11. 

Burchiuore, 113. 

Burdell, 90. 

Burdin, 95. 

Burke, 159. 

Burnap. 33. 

Burnape, 182. 

Burnell. 94. 

Burnet, 142. 

Burnham, 53. 

Burrell, 31. 

Burrill, 5, 11, 144, 183. 

Burroughs, 57. 

Burt, 3, 9, 35, 95, 96. 

Burtai, 94. 

Burthum, 5, 10. 

Bush, 31, 114. 

Bushnell, 07. 

Bushrode, 100. 

Butman, 55. 

Butler, 10, 112. 

Buttolph, 34, 35, 114. 

Buttriek, 55. 

Buxston, 30. 

Buxstone, 200. 
Buxton, 11, 34, 35, 36, 

92, 113, 144. 
Byrne, 17. 
Cabot, 98, 113, 158. 
Cadwall.ider, 111. 
Cain, 112. 
Camplin, 115. 
Candall, 0. 
Cantlebury, 115, 182. 
Capon, 3. 
Carlton, 34. 
Carrell, 115. 
Carrol], 111. 
Carteret. 157, 158. 
Cartwri^ht, 3. 
Cary, 103. 
Chadwiek, 55. 
Chalkhill, 155. 
Chamberlain, 113. 
Chaplin, 50. 

Chapman, 153. 
Chard, 78. 
Charles, G. 

Charles 1st, (King,) 89, 
90, 125. 120, 139, 140, 
141, 155, 109. 
Charles 2d, (King,) 89, 

90, 124, 125, 120. 
Cheelcraft, 50. 
Cheever, 61, 113.; 
Cheevers, 200. 
Chester, 17, 26. 
Chevalier, 159. 
Chever, 07, 77, 117, 129, 

Chipman, 113. 
Choot, G. 
Churchman, 3. 
Clark, 6, 9, 56, 61, 62, 

63, G5, 91. 
Clarke, 92, 93, 113, 182, 

Clearke, 115. 
Cleaves, 54. 
Clement, 9, 93. 
Clerk 39. 

Cleveland, 55, 196, 197. 
Clifford, 74. 
Clough, 112. 
Cloutman, 112, 113, 138. 
Clungen, 200. 
Clymer, ill. 
Cobbett, 11, 181. 
Cobit, 5. 
Coekerell, 95. 
Cockes, 200; 
Cockett, 5. 
Codnor, 94. 
Coe, 153. 
Coffin, 93, 95. 
Coggin, 189. 
Coker, 95. 
Colborne, 200. 
Cnldfox, 200. 
Cole, 10, 110, 200. 
Collem, 183. 
Collens, 114. 
Collins, 10, 12, 17, 35, 
74, 96, 143, 144, 178, 
Cotton, 10. 
Combes, 200. 
Comer, 51. 
Comings, 183. 
Conant, 11, 38. 67, 92, 
93, 99, 100, 101, 102, 
103, 104, 105, 100, 
107, 108, 109, 110, 
143, 145, 146, 147, 
149, 150, 152, 150, 
185, 18G, 189. 190, 
19.', 193, 190, 197, 
Concklin, 200. 
Connant, 115. 
Converse, 17, 28. 
Cook, 8, 113, 144, 187. 

Cooke, 92, 114, 200. 

Corley, 112. 

Corlye, 11. 

Coomes, 1 14. 

Cooms, 153, 154. 

Cooper, 108, 169. 

Coree, 115, 200 

Corey, 56, 57, 60. 

Corning, 4, 143. 

Cornish, 4. 

Corwin, 5, 94, 96, 123, 
157, 177, ISO, 190, 

Corwine, 182. 

Cory, 164. 

Cotta, 4, 38. 

Cotty, 40. 

Cox, 97, 153, 154. 

Coy, 50. 

Cradock, 12, 68, 70, 87, 
107, 108, 110, 139. 

Cranch, 151. 

Cranfield, 164. 

Crannever, 200. 

Creek, 91. 

Croad, 114, 183, 200. 

Croade, 85, 182. 

Cromwell, 12, 35, 49, 
50, 71, 89, 90, 91, 
125, 127, 155, 169, 
187, 200. 

Crosby, 154. 

Cross, 9, 114. 

Crow, 100. 

Crowell, 112. 

Crowninshield, 154. 

Cummings, 4, 6. 

Currier, 03. 

Curhce, 200; 

Curtis, 114. 

Curtise, 114. 

Curwen, 8, 57, 73, 157, 

100, 107. 
Curwin, 191. 
Cushing, 55. 
Cushman, 98, 112, 148. 
Cussins, 53. 

Cutler, 54, 55, 65, 114. 
Daland, 55, 113. 
Dalton, 112. 
Dam pier, 122. 
Dana, 64. 
Dane, 8, 58, 184. 
Darby, 100. 
Darlin, 4. 
Darlington, 129. 
Davenport, 8, 38, I39 y 

194, 190. 
Davis, 17, 28, 136, 200; 
Daye. 200. 
Deacons, 112. 
Dcakin, 90. 
Dean, 50, 197. 
Dellodore, 35. 
Deneson, 35. 
Dennis, 3, 112, 113, 

Dennison, 35, 191. 

Derby, 50, 111, 157, 
175, 180. 

Dernier, 75. 

De Kuyter, 81, 124, 169. 

D' Estaing, 112. 

Dewing, 113. 

Dicke, 9. 

Diconson, 50. 

Digweed, 38. 

Dikc, 102. 

Diman, 02, 63, 154. 

Dimsdale, 155. 

Divan, 90. 

Dixey, 38, 48, 67. 

Dixie, 194, 190. 

Dixy, 38. 

Dodge, 11, 48, 50, 52, 
55, 92, 113, 147, 152, 
154, 1S5. 

Dollaver. 95. 

Dolliver, 92, 93, 112, 
143, 144. 

Doohttle, 143. 

Dorey, 157, 158. 

Dorman, 54, 96. 

Douglas-, 55, 61. 

Dow, 05. 

Downes, 30. 

Downing, 37, 39, 185, 

Drake, 113, 189, 190 

Driver, 3, 95, 112, 183. 

Dudley, 54, 105, 106, 
110, 189. 

Dummer, 126. 

Dunbar, 03. 

Duncan, 182. 

Duncom, 189. 

Dunton, 39, 165, 174, 

Durand, 94. 

Durm. 35. 

Eardry, 4. 

Easty. 52, 163: 

Eaton, 113, 144. 

Ebborne, 113. 

Ebburne, 51. 

Eborne, 38, 94, 144, 181. 

Edmonds, 112. 
Edwards, 3, 4, 6, 39, 49, 

70, 77. 78. 
Elforde, 38. 
Elizabeth, (Queen,) 16, 

140, 154. 
Ellet, 196. 
Elliot, 1, 12. 
Elliott, 129, 196. 
Ellis, 100, 170. 
Ellsworth, 111. 
Elmore, 111. 
Elvin, G. 
Elwell, 9. 
Emerson, 144. 
Emery, 5, 6, 10. 50, 


Endicott, 4, 12, 15, 17, 
23, 32, 3S, 52, 
54, 07. 71, 90, 07, 

101, 102, 103, lot, 
1U.), 100, 107, 108, 
109, 110, 140, 145, 

102. 150, 159, 185, 
186, 193, 194, 199. 

Engel, 171. 

English, 13,14,57,67, 76, 
77, 7b, 80, 83, 84, 85. 
117, 121, 135, 130, 
153, 157, 158, 150, 
160, lbl, 162, 163, 
164, 165, 166, 107, 
168, 160, 170. 171, 
172, 173, 174, 175, 
176, 177, 179, 180, 

Engol, 172. 

Ensly, 174. 

Esticke, 5. 

Estis, 108. 

Epes, 180. 

Eppes, i«6. 

Fabens, 56. 

Fairfield, 6, 185. 

Fairservioe, 112. 

Falconer, 72, 75. 

Faller, 40. 

Fannock 112. 

Farmer, 100, 195. 

Farrin.ton, 50. 

Farrow, 144. 

Faulkner. 50. 

Fay, 40. 

Fenley, 112. 

Fellows, 05. 

Fells, 140, 150. 

Felt, 53, 68, 72, 74,78, 
80, 84, 86, 00, 105, 
100, 110, 112, 113, 
120, 122, 123, 124, 
120, 137, 138, 140, 
115, 148, 150, 151, 
152, 156, 157, 163, 
167, 173, 175, 186, 
187, 188, 190, 101, 
195, 107. 

Felton, 12, 39, 50, 51, 
54, 92, 144, 153, 182. 

Field, 4 

Fisher, 106. 

Fiske, 3, 6, 7, 11, 37, 
30, 113. 

Flagg, 113. 

Fletcher, 165, 166. 

Flinders, 183. 

Flint, 65, 92, 182. 

Fogge, 38. 

Folsom, 112. 

Foot, 172. 

Foote, 95, 154. 

Forrester, 113. 

Foster, 10, 54, 57, 113, 

Fowler, 51, 56, 153, 154. 

Francis, 17, 28. 

Friend, 50. 

Frier, 100. 

Frost, 53. 

Fry, 58; 

Frye, 80, 113. 

Fuller. 50, 109, 144. 

Fysack, 155. 

GuLlurd, 39. ( 

Gage, 11. 

Gaines, 4. 

Gale, 111, 121. 

Gallison, 2. 

Gansby, 174. 

Gardiner, 94. 

Gardner, 10, 11, 34, 38, 
48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 92, 
93, 94, 100, 104, 113, 
136, 145, 154, 182, 
183, 187, 189, 190, 

Gariord, 4, 38, 48. 

Gearinge, 5. 

Gedney,38, 39,156, 191. 

George 1st, (King) 155. 

Gerrish, 6, 60, 118, 119, 

GerrolG, 113. 

Gerry, 111. 

Gibbs, 145. 

Gidney, 44, 

Giunies, 41. 

Gigles, 38. 

Gilbert, 51, 98. 

Giles, 38, 114, 115, 116. 

Gillis, 30. 
Gillow, 7, 8. 
Gilman, ill. 
Glover, 10, 112, 143. 
Goufrey, 136. 
Goffe, 110. 
Goldtbrite, 191. 
Goldwhatye, 38. 
Golt, 34, 93, 200. 
Goodale 6, 64. 
Goodell, 182. 
Goodhue, 111, 113. 
Goodwin, 38. 
Googes, 4. 
Gookin, 35. 
Gordon, 130, 134. 
Gorges, 70, 08, 108, 141, 

151, 105, 196, 108. 
Gosnold, 71, 109. 
Gott, 4, 39. 
Gould, 66, 112, 113. 
Gover, 112. 
Goyt, 144. 
Gratton, 3, 39, 94, 183, 

186, 190, 191. 
Graham, 74. 
Graim, 96. 
Grant, 112, 113. 
Gray, 9, 49, 55, 56, 104, 

143, 187, 188. 
Green, 39, 56, 59, 60, 64. 
Greenleaf, 10, 96. 

Grcnough, 15(j. 

Greenwood, 113. 

Gregg, 55. 

Gregory, 29. 

Grirlen, 111. 

Grose, 39. 

G rover, 50, 51. 

Haoher, 94. 

Hacker, 95, 96. 

Hadley, 136. 

Hall, 112. 

Haly, 200. 

llamelton, 112. 

Hamilton, 112. 

Hammatt, 129. 

Hummond, 3 2. 

Hai.dforth, 4, 183. 

llandsoth, 10. 

Hardie, 3, 48. 

Hardy, 9, 14, 15, 39, 48, 
80, 86. 

Harraden, 55, 113. 

Harradine, 136. 

Harris, 94. 

Harrison, 135. 

Hart, 6, 38, 39, 49, 58, 

Hartley, 111. 

Hartshorne, 95, 183. 

Harvey, 51. 

Harwood, 4, 183. 

Hascall, 151. 

Haskell, 9. 

Easkett, 154. 

Hatnorne, 2, 5, 8, 33, 
34, 35, 55,93,94, 113, 
114, 143, 154, 159, 
166, 170, 172, 185, 
194, 200. 
Hawes, 4, 6. 
Hawkins, 185. 

Haynes, 12, 153. 

Hazelton, 112. 
Heard, 7 
Hecter, 50. 
Heister, 111. 
Henry 2d, (King) 157. 
Htmry 8tb, (King) 140. 
Henderson, 121. 
Herbert, 5. 
Herculeous, 112. 
Herrick, 36, 38, 50, 51. 
Hersoine. 9. 
Hewes, 145, 146. 
Hibbert, 4. 
Hide, 34. 

Hkginson, 85, 99, 102, 
108, 109, 110, 113, 
149, 157, 180, 182, 
183, 188. 
Hiirgison, 39, 73. 
Hill, 9, 10, 51, 52. 
Hiller, 113. 
Hilliard, 102. 
Hills, 190. 
Hinds, 39. 
Hix, 35. 

Hobirt, 107. 

Hubert, :;. 

Hodges, 10, 55, 154. 

Hod 4 is, 143. 

Holdeo, 4 1. 

HolgntTO, 38, 39. 

Hoi liDge worth, 2, 11, 
73, 75, 80, 81, 84, 
121, 158, 159, 160, 
173, 170. 

II oil is, 125. 

Holme, 38. 

Holmes, U, 39. 

Holt, 03. 

Hoi en, 65. 
Holton, 113. 
Holyoke, 103, 184. 
Hoinan, 112. 

Hood, 50,51. 

llooto.i, 22, 122. 

Hopkinson 8. 

Horn, 185. 

Home, 4, 12, 38, 51, 93, 

Horniea, 50. 
Houlton, 12, 153. 
Hovey, 112. 
How, 9, 51. 
Howlett, 7, 51. 
Hubbard, 33, 54, 99, 

100, 101, 103, 105, 

106, 108, 145, 148, 
150, 151, 153, 18<i, 
190, 191, 193, 195, 

107, 198. 
Hubbert, 197. 
Hudson, 196. 
Hull, 109. 

II urn fry, 41,42. 
Humphrey, 95. 100, 106, 

129, 145, 185. 
Humphry, 192, 193. 
Hunt, 154. 
Huntington, 111. 
Hurst, 171, 172. 
Hutcbinson, 12, 38, 70, 

72, 75, 80, 110, 125, 

148, 178. 
Idell, 5. 
Ingalls, 5, 8, 10, 11, 95, 

Ingersoll.12,13,38, 121, 

153, 154, 176. 
Inkersoll, 191. 
Ireson, 5. 
Isbald, 4. 
Jackman, 49. 
Jackson, 3, 4, 5, 39, 49, 

112, 151. 
Jacobs, 52, 53, 54, 55, 

James, 68, 92, 93, 139, 

James 1st (King), 170. 
Janes, 93. 
Jarret, 8. 


Jeffrey, 101, 13 1, 185, 

Jeffries, 1J">. 196. 
JeflYy. 195, Dii, 197. 
Jenks 23 30, J>. 
Jcwctt, B, 5o, 00. 
Jlgglos, :»2 

John-urj 33, 38, 41, 73, 

93. 1, 102, 103, 110, 
111, 18b, L9J. 


Jones, 112 183. 

Jordan. 48 

Josselyn, 82, 130, 169. 

Joy, 9 

Kane, 27 

Keazur, 49. 

Komp, 1 1. 

Ken. .all, 38. 

Kenist.n, w, 39. 

Kent G. 95. 

Kortlami, 1)4. 

Kutlieroll, 39. 

Kibben, 11. 

Kid<l, 78 

Killain, 1!. 

Kimball, 0, 182. 

Kiiifr, :;s. 50, 54, 115, 

121, 138, 1(31. 
Kinsman, 02 
Kitonen, 03, 172. 
Knap. 112. 
Knight, 0. 12, 17, 19,20, 

2(i~, 48, 40. 52, 9(5, 98, 

102. 1U4 153, 154,156, 

18(i. 187. 200. 
Knolcutt, 8i. 
Lake, 1 (3. 
Lambeit, 33, 113, 175, 

Lamsnn, 55, 95. 
Lun;r, 55. Ii3. 
Langdon, ill. 
Larrabee, 153. 
Laskin, 38, 92. 
Larhrop, 43, 110, 151, 

195, i"6. 
LanO, 00, 143. 
Laugh t'in, 11. 
Lawrence, 55. 
Leacb, 38, 92, 95, 112, 

144, 183 196. 
Lee, 111. 159. 
L'sech, G7 
Lsfuvor, 158. 

Lo^, 91 

Lemon, 35, 200. 

Leonard 111. 

Leslie, 2 

Levctt. 72. 73, 74. 112. 

Lewis 3, 9. 04, 76, 129, 

Ley ford. 197. 
Lightfuot, 4, 5. 
Lighten, 183. 
Lind, 3 
Lindall, 14, 101, 137. 

Little, 10. 
Littlefield, 54. 

Lctty, 112 

Long, 49. 95. 

Lord, 4, 9, 11,38, 48, 93, 

L'>throp, 33, 96. 
Low, 153. 
Lowe, 84. 
Lowle, 6. 
Lowthrop, 51. 
Lowthropp, 62, 181. 
Luff. 185. 
Luine, 96. 
Luscombe, 9. 
Lyi'ord, 99, 100,104,105, 

106, 145, 148,149,150, 

Lyndsey, 160, 169. 
JVlacckiavelli, 126. 
Macclay, 111. 
Mc'lntire, 112. 184. 
Me'Kenney, 112. 
Mackleroy, 1 00. 
Machinal ien, 113. 
Mackinallen, 36, 96. 
Mc'Xeil, 112. 
Mc'Pherson. 112, 183. 
Madison, 111. 
Mahomet, 16. 
Manning, 17, 20, 186. 
Mansfield, 5, 96. 113, 

Margerum, 67. 
Maikes. 36. 
Marrymr, 189. 
Marsh. 116. 
Marshall, 33, 39, 41, 90, 

Marston, 58, 92, 157 

172, 175. 
Martin, 55. 
Mary, (Queen), 140. 
Mason, 5, 55. 70, 96, 

102, 156, 194, 196, 

Massey, 4, 5, 8, 17, 93, 

144, 152, 182, 193. 
Massy, 6. 12, 13, 38. 
Masury. 28 
Masterson, 191. 
Mather, 143, 164, 165. 
Mattox, 3. 
Maury, 38. 
Maverick. 6, 49, 93. 94, 

114, 192. 
Mavericke, 126. 
Mavor, 16. 
Maxwell, 54. 
May son, 112. 
M each urn, 35. 
Meach, 112. 
Mehaney, 112. 
Merrill, 48. 
Me tea If, 35. 
Mighell 50. 
Migill, 17, 28. 

Milburn, 112. 
Millard, 10. 
Montjoy, 92. 
Moudey, 158, 164, 165, 

Moody, 95. 
Moore, 6, 8, 38, 92, 93, 

Morgan, 78, 112. 
Morrell, 63. 
Morris. 111. 
Morton, 196. 
Mosely, 167. 
Moses, 113. 
Moulton, 11, 36, 39, 41, 

48, 49, 54, 55, 72, 73, 

75, 95 182. 
Muddle, 182. 
Muhlenburg, 111. 
Muse, 92. 
Murrey, 25. 
Myrrel, 39. 
Neal, 14. 
Needham, 6, 94. 
Nelson, 183. 
Newell, 112. 
Newhall. 50. 
Newman, 146. 
Newton. 136. 
Nicholson, 6, 94. 
Nicke. 94. 
Nicolls, 197. 
Nixon, 183. 
Nooton, 112. 
Noris, 4. 
Norman, 35, 39, 81, 102, 

103, 104, 105, 110, 

156, 186, 187, 191, 

192. 193, 198. 
Norris, 8, 56, 93, 112, 

Northey, 66,113. 
Norton, 3, 6, 12, 38, 92, 

Nottingham, 117. 
Nourse, 55, GO. 
Nowell, 9. 
Noyes, 6, 10, 14. 49, 95, 

96, 167, 180. 
Noyse. 41. 
Nut. 130. 
Oakman, 112. 
Oderic, 96. 
Oldham, 99, 100, 108, 

148, 149, 150, 194, 

196, 198. 
Oliver, 1G4. 
Olney, 39. 
Ormes, 183. 
Orne. 113. 
Orrick, 112. 
Osborn. 55. 
Osborne. 113. 
Osburne, 39. 
Osgood, 9, 58. 
Pagr, 55, 111, 113. 
Paine, 50, 94. 

Paird, 174. 
Palfray, 185, 186. 
Palfrey, 4, 6. 8, 101, 

102, 103, 104, 105, 

109, 147, 150, 151, 

152, 156. 
Palfry, 38, 192. 
Pallgrave, 5. 
Palmer, 8. 51. 
Parker, 49, 96, 111, 164, 
Parnell, 17, 25, 26. 
Parratt, 49. 
Parris, 60. 
Parsons, 56. 
Partridge, 111. 
Patch, 3 8, 11, 33, 48, 

51, 52. 85. 91, 113, 

136, 138, 143, 152, 

181, 1«2, 200. 
Patterson, 17, 111, 112. 
Payne, 3. 

Peabody, 32, 91, 96,184. 
Peas, 7?s. 
Pease, 4. 191. 
Pecker, 50. 
Pedechic, 17, 28. 
Peele, 55, 113. 
Peeters, 112. 
Peirce, 113, 145, 146, 

Pellen, 3. 
Pen. 181. 
Pentland, 50. 
Perkins, 48. 50. 
Perlans, 112. 
Pesters, 41 . 
Peters, 38, 61, 75, 90, 

Peterson, 112. 
Pettengill, 153. 
Pettingall, 4. 
Phelps, 48, 49, 95, 182. 
Philip, 124. 
Phillips, 6, 54, 56, 103, 

Phippen, 97, 113, 145, 

J 55, 185, 186. 
Phipps, 59. 
Pickard 50. 
Pickering, 14, 39, 51, 53, 

66, 80, 97, 113, 154, 

157, 172, 192. 
Pickman, 11, 17, 66, 92, 

157. 186. 
Pickworth, 39, 112, 183. 
Piedmonte, 159. 
Pierce, 55. 
Pigot, 112, 162. 
Pike. 49. 

Pilgrim, 170, 171. 
Pingry, 93. 
Pinkerton, 76. 
Pitman, 112, 114, 171, 

Place, 4. 
Plaice, 103. 
Plaisted, 157. 


Piatt, 183. 

Plummer, 10, 184. 

Pollard, 6. 

Pool, 154. 

Poor, 55. 

Pope, 3G, 38, 5G. 

Popham, 98. 

Port, 39. 

Porter, 4, 8, 11, 23, 54, 

93, 9G, 113, 144, 182, 

Potter, 10, 49, 50, 94. 
Powell, 112, 159. 
Powers, 23. 
Powlew, 92. 
Pratt, 138. 
Prescott, G7. 
Preston, 153, 154. 
Price, 5, 8, 9, 11, 50, 93, 

9G, 114, 143, 177, 183, 

Pride, 8. 
Prince, 3, 10, 55, 72, 75, 

92, 93, 100, 143, 148, 

150, 153, 161, 184, 

18G, 195. 
Proctor, 8, 152. 
Ptideater, 1G4. 
Pulsifer, 37. 
Purbeck, 154. 
Purchis, 93, 9G. 
Putnam, CO, Gl, 62, 64, 

113, 184. 
Putney, 116. 
Pye, 112. 
Quelch, 78. 
Raleigh, 98. 
Randolph, 91, 117, 124, 

125, 170. 
Rantoul, 150, 153, 186, 

Ratcliff, 68. 
Rauson, 118. 
Rawson. 6, 1G7, 170, 

Ray, 39. 

Rayment, 51, 93, 114. 
Raymond, 38. 
Rea, 38, 56, 92, 96. 
Read, 38, 93, 184. 
Reade, 194. 
Reed, 6, 184. 
Rees, 78. 
Remmors, 112. 
Rese, 121. 
Rhodes, 183. 
Richards, 94. 
Richisson, 185. 
Rigsley, 112. 
Riley, 21, 25. 
Rist, 59 
Roach, 112. 
Robbins, 63. 
Roberts, 182. 
Robertson. 112. 
Robins, 48. 

Robinson, 10, 38, 39, .11, 

93, 94, 144, lis. 
Rogers, 7, 182, 183. 
Rolfe, 11. 
Rootens, 183. 
Rootes. 38, 182. 
Ropes, 4, 55,113,153, l»;i 
Rosewell, 106) 139, 110. 
Row, 143. 
Rowden, 144. 
Rowland, 94, 144, 181. 
Ruche, 182. 
Iluding, 120, 155. 
Rupert, 9. 

Russell,71, 112,129^138 
Rust, 55, 5G. 
Sage, 56. 
Saint, 112. 
Sallows. 5, G, 182. 
Salmon, 76, 77. 
Salter, 112. 
Saltonstall, 110, 190. 
Sampson, 10. 
Sanders, 3, 6, 38. 
Saucefield, 112. 
Saunders, 55. 
Savage, 104, 145, 190. 
Savary, 56. 
Sawyer, 52, 63. 
Scarlet, 3, 38. 
Schureman, 111. 
Scott, 8,111, 182, 183. 
Scottow, 94. 
Scruggs, 11, 38, 193. 
Seudder, 51. 
Seers, 95. 
Seller, 135. 
Sergent, 9. 
Severy, 112. 
Sewall, 15, 50, 78, 157 

160, 167, 1G8, 171 i 

172, 180. 
Shaflin, 11, 39. 
Shafiinge, 4. 
Sharpe, 8, 38. 
Shattock, 136, 190. 
Sheldon, 65. 
Shelton, 109, 149. 
Sherman, 50, 63, 111. 
Shiply, 4. 
Shovel, 135. 
Shrimpton, 5, 94. 
Sibley, 95. 
Sibly, 38. 
Silsbee, 17. 
Silsby, 144. 
Simonds, 10, 39. 
Sinclair, 112. 
Skelton, 41, 187. 
Skerry, 4, 6, 39,151,185. 
Skipper. 8. 
Small. 35, 54. 
Smith, 3, 11, 36, 48, 50, 

55, 56, 63, 94, 98, 99, 

102, 111, 112, 113, 

144, 175, 181, 182, 

1*6, 199. 

, Snot hers, 11 •). 

Tlbbettj, '.'. 

Bolter, 171. 

Till.v, l>-s, 189, 

Somerby, 10, 18, 49, 95, 

194, 198. 


Tillotson, 132, 1:;:;. 

Sothwiok, 35. 

Tilly, 115. 

Southooat, 106. 

Tilt- -11, 5, 10. 

Bonthmead, 8. 

Tod, iO 

• Bouthwiot, lo, 39, 93, 

Tompeon, 7. 


. 195. 

Spalding, 7. 

Touxell, 66, 83, 86] 


Spaulding, 56. 

158, lt;7, 168, 


S pencer, 3 1. 

176, 177. 

Spinney, 171. 

To wens, 9. 

Spoiford. 183. 

Towle, 10. 

Spooner, 39, 182', 191 . 

Towns, 112. 

Sprague, 55, 167. 

Townsend, ■ >.'>. 

Stagg, 189. 

Trask, lot, loo, 


Stamwood, 95. 

189, 192, 193, 


Si and ford, 96. 


Standish, 39, 99, 1 15, 

Traske, 38, 51, '.'1, 


Traverse, 112. 

Starr, 160. 

Tresler, 18. 

Stay n wood, 1 1 1 

Trewlove, 112. 

Stearns, 55. 

Trill, o. 

Stevens, 10, 53, 82, 96, 

Trumbul, 111, 124. 


Trumbull, 5], 168. 

Sticknev, 121, 125, 129, 

Trusler, 11. 

138, 154. 

Tucker, 0, 54, 55 


Stileman, 10, 11, 12, 38, 

112, 113. 

48, 49, 93, 1*2, 183, 

Taker. 111. 

Still, 112. 

Turner, 38, 78, 112, 


Stillman, 187. 

171, 172, 185. 

Stone, 56, 63, 81, 150, 

Tyler, 6, 58. 

151, 170, 171. 

Tylly, 100, 104. 

Storer, 5 4. 

Vain, 130. 

Storey, 159. 

Valpy, 158. 

Stoughton, 53, 194. 

Van Tromp, 121. 

Sfcretton, 39. 

Varney, 8, 10, 144. 

Strong, 111. 

Varnum, s. 

j Sturgis, 111. 

Venner, 3''. 

> Sugthwiko, 50. 

Vereu, 11, 49, 01, 


Sullivan, 112, 

118, 11!), 143, 


Swain, G3. 

183, 190. 

Swan, 39, 50, 

Venn, 38, 48, 116. 

Swasey, 172 

Verey, 182. 

Swett, 49. 

Very*, 92, 115, 116. 

Swinnerton. 182. 

(Jpham, 157, 163. 

Sylvester, 94. 

Wadsworth, 56, 60 


Symonds, 31, 39. 

64, 65, 66, 111. 

Talby, 4, 43. 

Wait, 112. 

Tappan, 40. 

Waitt, 113. 

Tar bell, 60. 

Wake, 11. 

Tarr, 144. 

Wakefield, 112, 153, 


Taylor. 53, 183. 

172, 173. 

Teague, 112. 

Walcott, 144. 

Temple, 90, 12G. 

Waldo, 113. 

Tenney, 33, 37, 54. 

Walker, 39,41, 113. 

Thatcher, 111. 

Wallace, 112. 

Thomas, 5, 94. 

Wallburt, 112. 

• Thomkins, 41. 

Wallis, 172. 

Thompson, 112. 

Walthatn, 189. 

Thorndike, 52, 182. 

Walton, o, 192. 

• Thorne, 4, 5. 

Wal, 9. 

> Thornton. 99, 101, 106, 

Ward, 8, 13, 14,48 

, 50, 

109, 191. 

55. 66, 113, 174. 

> Tho'son, 39. 

Wardwell, 59. 

Thurston, 11, 48. 

Ware, 53. 


Warner, 48. 

Warre, 10. 

Warren, 3, 9, 10, 17, 25, 

Waters, 4, 39, 51, 52, 

Wathen, 4, 10, 51. 
Wathin, 4, 9. 
Watson, 4, 38, 56, 93. 
Watts, 64, 112. 
Wayborne, 84, 91. 
Webb, 112, 113. 
Webber, 175. 
Webster, 144, 
Weeks, 4, 11, 39, 
Weigbt, 67. 
Wellman, 112, 113. 
West, 4, 67. 
Weston, 39, 40, 42, 43. 
Wheat, 185. 
Wheatland, 138, 184, 

Whipple, 112, 182. 
Whitcombe, 106. 
White, 100, 101, 105, 

106. 107, 108, 111, 

112, 145, 149. 
Whiten. 3.: 
Whiterig, 35. 
Whitfoot, 112. 
Whitforth, 112. 
Whiting, 5, 11. 
Whitmore, 104. 
Whitney, 183. 
Wickes, 49. 
Wicks, 143. 
Wickson, 3. 
Wigglesworth, 64. 
Wilkins, 60. 
Wilks, 143. 
Willard, 165. 
William (King), 127, 


Williams, II, 38, 48, 63. 

113, 161, 191. 
Willshire, 25. 
Wilson, 6, 55, 58. 
Winchester, 55. 
Wingate, 111. 
Winslow, 98, 99, 100, 

104, 148. 
Winter, 3. 
Winthrop, 86, 87, 110, 

189, 190, 194, 197, 

199, 200. 
Witt, 5, 33, 49. 
Witter, 95. 
Wolcott, 12, 153. 
Wolfe, 38. 
Wood, 102, 112, 146, 

Woodberry, 11, 34, 67. 
Woodberye, 156, 

Woodbury, 8, 38, 51, 52, 
101, 102, 104, 105, 
106, 109, 110, 114, 
121, 150, 151, 152, 
185, 186, 187, 192, 
193, 196. 

Woodcocke, 182. 

Woodice, 92. 

Woodis, 92, 115. 

Woodman, 7, 48, 53, 54. 

Woods, 64, 121. 

Woolbridge, 112. 

Woolett, 112. 

Woolland, 200. 

Worcester, 147. 

Wright, 72, 73, 91. 

Wyatt, 7. 

Wynkoop, 111. 

Young, 6, 106, 113, 150, 
151, 153, 181, 186, 
190. 191, 195, 197. 




VOL. I.] APRIL, 1859. [No. 1. 


Published for the Essex Institute, 


DE»xrioo T-veerity-Pive Cents. 


Introduction, 1 Ancient Pulpit Notices, 14 

Leslie's Retreat, 2 Curious Indenture between a Master and Servant in 

The Hathornes, 2 1713 > 14 

Abstracts from "Wills, Inventories, &c, on file in the . Narrative of the Piracy of the Ship Friendship, of Sa- 

Office of the Clerk of the Courts, Salem, 3 lem, by C. M. Endicott, 15 

Materials for a History of the Ingersoll family in Salem,. .12 Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages and 

A Revolutionary Letter, 13 Deaths, of the City of Salem, 33 

Relica of a " Peculiar Institution r ' in Salem, 14 

Journal of the Essex County Natural History Society. Proceedings of the Es- 
sex Institute, vol. 1, and part 1 of vol 2. Endicott's account of Leslie's Retreat. 
Streeter's account of the Newspapers and other Periodicals published in Salem. 
Fowler's account of the Life, Character, &c, of Rev. Samuel Parris, and of his 
connection with the Witchcraft Delusion of 1692, — are for sale by the Secretary, 
and at the Bookstore of Henry Whipple & Son. 

H3P All communications to be addressed to the Secretary of the Essex Institute. 

I3P Rooms of , the Essex Institute at Plummer Hall, Essex Street, Salem. 

The second and third numbers will contain Biographical Sketches of the Minis- 
ters of Salem Village, (now Danvers,) by S. P. Fowler. — An ^account of the Old 
Planters, in Salem, by G. D. Phippen. — Extracts from Records kept by Rev. John 
Fiske, during his Ministry in Salem, Wenham, and Chelmsford ; also, continuation 
of Papers commenced in this number, &c, &c. 


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Vol. I.] 

MAY, 1859. 

DSTo. 2. 


^Published for the Essex Institute. 


(Salem Gazette Press.) 

3?rioe Twenty-Pive Cents. 




Extracts from Record's kept by Rev. John Fiske, daring General Court in Salem, in 1774 ;j$j 

hts ministry at Salem, &c 37 Samuel Browne's letter to Capt. John Touzell, voyage 

Odd Notes,— Norman Kings, 1066-1154 44 to the West Indies, December 19, 1727 M 

Medicines in ''Old Times " 46 Notice to Proprietors of Beverly Bridge, in 1788 66 

Trees in the streets of Salem, In May, 1859 47 Richard Weight and John Bushnell's depositions before 

Abstracts from Wills. Inventories, &c, on file in the of- Governor Endicott, 20, 4, 16o5 67 

fiee of the Clerk of Courts, Salem 48 Some Remarks on the Commerce of Salem, from T626 to 

Minutes for a Genealogy of the Jacobs Family, by C. 1740, with a Sketch of Philip English, a merchant 

M. Endicott . . 52 in Salem, from about 1670 to about 1733—4, by G. 

Brick Buildings in Salem, in 1806 55 J 1 - Chever f,7 

Biographical Sketches of Rev. Joseph Green, Rev. Peter 

Clark, and Rev. B. Wadsworth, ministers in Salem 

Village, (now Danvers,) by S. P. Fowler 56 

Journal of the Essex County Natural History. Proceedings of the Essex Institute, vol. 1, and part 
1 of vol. 2. Endicott's Account of Leslie's Retreat. Streeter's Account of the Newspapers and other 
Periodicals published in Salem. Fowler's Account of the Life, Character, &c, of Rev. Samuel Parris, 
and of his connection with the Witchcraft Delusion, of 169*2, — are for sale by the Secretary, and at the 
Bookstore o/ Henry Whipple & Son. 

U3F" All Communications to be addressed* to the Secretary of the Essex Institute. 

g^" Rooms of the Essex Institute, at Plummer Hall, Essex Street, Salem. 


ELECTED MAY 11, 1869. 

President — Daniel A. White. 

Vice Presidents — Of Natural History — John L. Russell. Of Horticulture — John C. Lee, Of History 
Henry M. Brooks. 

Secretary and Treasurer. — Henry Wheatland. 

Librarian. — John II. Stone. 

Cabinet Keeper. — Caleb Cooke. 

Finance Committee. — John C. Lee, R. S. Biogera, E. Emrherton, H. M. Brooks, Geo. D. Phippen. 

Librart Committee. — Daniel A. White, Samuel P. Fowler, David Roberts. 

Publication Committee. — John L. Russell, Henry Wheatland, George D. Phippen, Ira J. Patch, 
John H. Stone, George M. Whipple. 

Curators op Natural History. — Botany — John L. Russell. Comparative Anatomy— Henry Wheat- 
land. Mammalogy — F. Winsor. Ornithology— F. W. Putnam. Herpetology and Ichthyology — Richard 
H. Wheatland. Articuhxta and Radiata — Caleb Cooke. Mollusca and Paleontology — Henry F. King. — 
Mineralogy — Benjamin F. Mudge. Geology— Henry F. Shepard. 

Curators of History. — Ethnology— William S. Messervy, M. A. Stickney, Francis H. Lee. Manu- 
scripts— Henry M Brooks, Ira J. Patch, Lincoln It. Stone, Gilbert L. Streeter, Samuel B. Buttrick. — 
Fine Arts — Francis Peabody, Joseph G. Waters, Alfred Stone. 

Curators op Horticulture. — Fruits and Vtgr tables. — James Upton, John M. Ives, J Fisk Allen, 
George B. Loring, Richard S. Rogers, Charles F. Putnam. Flowers— John C. Lee, Francis Putnam, Win. 
Maok. Gardens — John L. Russell, Benjamin A. West, Joseph S. Cabot, John Bertram. 


201 (re-numbered) Essex Street, 

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1859. SHELLS. 1850. 


Invites the attention of Collectors, Museums, <fcc.> in the United States, to the numerous Consignment* 

of Shells, received from his foreign correspondents, from which he is enabled to supply single n>« total -n-, 

or the following and other named Collections:-— 

£ s. d. 

1000 species, comprising several hundred genera and sub-genora, (3000 Shells,) - «■ 50 

2000 ditto, '...-.-.._. 

Land and Freshwater Shells of Europe, (500 species,) - 

Marine Shells of the Mediterranean and Adriatic Seas, (250 species,) - 

Ditto Northern and Arctic Seas, (100 species.) - 

Land Shells of Jamaica, containing the following genera:— Cylindrella, Stoastoma, Spiraxis, Proserpi- 
na, Geomelania, Helicina, Trochatella, Lucidolla, Ac. — 100 species, (:»00 Shells,) £3 3s. Od. 200 
species. (000 Shells,) £0 0s. Od. 

A set of Land and Freshwater Shells from Western Africa, including the following uncommon genera: 
— Iridina, Galathea, Ipigenia, Streptaxis. Amnicola, &c, Ac. 80 species, £2 2s. Od. 

A series of 130 named species of the genus Achatinella, from the Sandwich Islands. 

Shells of the Moluccas. — Ditto of Ceylon. — Ditto of Mauritius — Ditto of Mazatlan.— Ditto of the 
Sandwich Islands. — Ditto of Cuba, and other Geographical Sets. 

Genera to illustrate "Adams' Cenera," and also "Woodward's Manual of the Mollusoa." 


Collections of the shells of Great Britain, named in accordance with the "British Mollusca" of Fovbe* 
and Hanley, at the following prices, containing on an average 3 of each kind, (choice specimens): — 
100 species, £2 12s. Od. | 200 species, £0 6s. | 300 species, £12 12s. [ 400 species, £25. 


TERTIARY, from the London Clay, Crag, Ac: 200 species of the beautifully preserved fossils of the 
Calcaire Grossier, Paris Basin, named after Deshayes, £5 5s. SECONDARY, from the Trias, Muscble- 
kalk, Lias (including Saurian remains, Fish, Pentacrinite, Ophiurae, Sepia, Ac, Ac.,) Inferior Oolite, 
Great Oolite, Forest Marble, Oxford Clay, Coral Rag, Kimmeridge Clay, Portland Oolite, Cretaceous 
Group. PALAEOZOIC, Carboniferous Limestone, Coal Measures, Devonian and Silurian Rocks 

Collections illustrating recent works on Geology, including specimens from all the principal European 
formations, 2, 5, 10 Guineas, and upwards. 

ESILs3i§IWflCE32?J''X , -A.H.Tr COLXiECTIOlSrS. 


100 Genera of Shells, (200 specimens,) 30s. | 100 species of British Shells, 21s, 

100 specimens of Fossils and their Rocks, illustrating all the principal formations, 21s. 

Ditto, Ditto, specimens more select, 42*. 

Set of Fossils from the Silurian Rocks, 21s. I Set of Fossils from the Trias and Muschlekalk, 21s. 

" Devonian, - - - - - 21s. j " Lias, - - - - - - 21s. 

" Carboniferous Limestone and Coal \ " Oolite series, - 21s. 

Measures, - 21s. | " Chalk, Green Sand, and Gault, 21s. 

Set of Fossils from the Tertiary, 21s. 


Catalogue of the British Shells, with their synony ins and Authorities, including the newly described sperit?, 

to 1859, Svo. one shilling. 
The following Lists are printed on one side only, to allow of being used for labelling : — 
List of British Shells, 2s. 6d. Ditto, British Crustacea, named according to "Bell's British Crustacea," 2s. 6d. Dit- 
to British Algae, according to "Harvey," 2* 6<1. Ditto, British Birds, 2s. 6d. Labels for Foreign Shells, 2s. per 1000 
names Labels for Fossil Shells, 2a, per 1000 names. Cards of Strata for a systematic arrangement of Rucks and Fos- 
sils, 8s 6d. Cards of Genera of Recent Shells for arranging Colloctions. A Catalogue of Genera of Mollusca, Recent 
and Fossil, systematically arranged according to "Woodward's Manual,'* with the additional Genera. The whole being 
reyised by the author, (1859 .) Printed on one side, 8vo. 5s. 

Specimen PANOPJ3A. Lam. 

JJ2P References for the United States, permitted to Dr. IIexbt Wheatland, Salem, Mm-. 






H. ?. JVES & A. A. SMITH, 





Having by a recent enlargement and improvement of their 
store, greatly added to their facilities for conducting their in- 
creasing business, now offer one of the largest and best select- 
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Papers, Decorations, Ceiling Papers, &c, of French, English 1 , 
and American Manufacture, imported or manufactured to their 
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®p.[p@81Tg (1. G^ ft. SW&©U. 


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ii mi s 








Vol. IJ 

July, 1859. 

[No. 3.: 


Published for the Essex Institute. 


(Salem Gazette Press.) 


Price Tx^T-onty-i^l-^r© Cents. 



Some remarks on the Commerce of Salem, from 1626 to John Lyford., 148 

1740, with a Sketch of Philip English, a Mer- John Woodbury, 150 

chant in Salem, from about 1670 to about 1733-34, William Woodbury, 151 

by George F. Chever, (continued.) 117 John Balch, 151 

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c, on file in the Materials for a Genealogy of the Ingersoll Family, by 

Office of Clerk of Courts, Salem, (continued.)-- 143 B. F. B 153 

The ''Old Planters'" of Salem, who were settled before Notes on American Currency— No. 1, by M. A. Stick- 

the arrival of Gov. Endicott, in 1628, by George D. ney, 154 

Phippen, (continued) 145 The Endicott House in Salem 156 

Journal of the Essex County Natural History. Proceedings of the Essex Institute, vol. 1, and part 
1 of vol. 2. Endicott's Account of Leslie's Retreat. Streeter's Account of the Newspapers and other 
Periodicals published in Salem. Fowler's Account of the Life, Character, Ac, of Rev. Samuel Parris, 
and of his connection with the Witchcraft Delusion, of 1692, — are for sale by the Secretary, and at the 
Bookstore of Henry Whipple & Son. 

f^ All Communications to be addressed to the Secretary of the Essex Institute. 

]gp* Rooms of the Essex Institute, at Plummer Hall, Essex Street, Salem. 


ELECTED MAY 11, 1859. 

President. — Daniel A. White. 

Vice Presidents. — Of Natural History — John L. Russell. Of Horticulture — John C. Lee. Of Histo- 
ry — Henry M. Brooks. 

Secretary and Treasurer. — Henry Wheatland. , 

Librarian. — John H. Stone. 

Cabinet Keeper. — Caleb Cooke. 

Finance Committee. — John C. Lee, R. S. Rogers, E. Emmerton, H. M. Brooks, George D. Phippen. 

Library Committee. — Daniel A. White, Samuel P. Fowler, David Roberts. 

Publication Committee.— John L. Russell, Henry Wheatland, George D. Phippen, Ira J. Patch, 
John H. Stone, George M. Whipple. 

Curators op Natural History. — Botany — John L. Russell. Comparative Anatomy — Henry Wheat- 
land. Mammalogy — F. Winsor. Ornithology — F. W. Putnam. Herpetology and Ichthyology — Richard 
H. Wheatland. Articulata and Radiata — Caleb Cooke. Mollusca and Paleontology — Henry F. King. — 
Mineralogy — Benjamin F. Mudge. Geology — Henry F. Shepard. 

Curators of History. — Ethnology — William S. Messervy, M. A. Stickney, Francis H. Lee. Manu- 
scripts — Henry M. Brooks, Ira J. Patch, Lincoln R. Stone, Gilbert L. Streeter, Samuel B. Buttrick.— 
Fine Arts — Francis Peabody, Joseph G. Waters, Alfred Stone. 

Curators op Horticulture. — Fruits and Vegetables — James Upton, John M. Ives, J. Fisk Allen, 
George B. Loring, Richard fe. Rogers, Charles F. Putnam. Flowers — JohnC. Lee, Francis Putnam, Wm. 
Mack. Gardens — John L. Russell, Benjamin A. West, Joseph S. Cabot, John Bertram. 








Vol. I.I November 1859. [No. 


♦ ■ 


[Published for trie Essex Institute. 

[Salem Gazette Press.] 

X=»xrio©, T^irenty-Pive Cents. 



A Sketch of Philip English— a merchant in Salem from Thomas Gray 188 

about 1670 to about 1738-4— by George F. Chever,. .157 John Tilley 188 

Abstracts from Wills, Inventories, &c, on file in the of- Thomas Gardner, 190 

ce of Clerk of ihe Courts, Salem, Mass. Continued. Richard Norman 191 

Coj.L'd by Ira J. Patch, 181 John Norman 191 

Nathan Reed, Sketch of, 184 Richard Norman, jr , 192 

The "Old Planters" of Salem, who wer« settled here before William Trask 193 

the arrival of Gov. Endicott, in 1628— Concluded— William Jeffry 195 

by George D.Phippen. — viz: John Lyford 197 

Peter Palfray 18a Extracts from the first book of Births, Marriages 

Walter Knight 186 and Deaths, of the City of Salem. Continued . 

William Allen 187 Copied by Ira J. Patch •.' 200 

Journal of the Essex County ITatural History. Proceedings of the Essex Institute, vol. 1, and part 
1 of vol. 2. Endicott's Account of Leslie's Retreat. Streeter's Account of the Newspapers and other 
Periodicals published in Salem. Fowler's Account of the Life, Character, &c, of Rev. Samuel Parris 
and of his connection with the Witchcraft Delusion, of 1692, — are for sale by the Secretary, and at the 
Bookstore of Henry Whipple & Son. 

Ijggf" All Communications to be addressed to the Secretary of the Essex Institute. 

§2P Rooms of the Essex Institute, at Plummer Hall, Essex Street, Salem, Mass. 


ELECTED MAY 11, 1859. 

President. — Daniel A. White. 

Vice Presidents.— Of Natural History— John L. Russell. Of Horticulture— John C. Lee. Of Histo- 
ry — Henry M. Brooks. 

Secuetauy and Treasurer. — Henry Wheatland. 

Librarian. — John H. Stone. 

Cabinet Keeper. — Caleb Cooke. 

Finance Committee.— John C. Lee, R. S. Rogers, E. Emmerton, H. M. Brooke, George D. Phippen. 

Library Committee. — Daniel A. White, Samuel P. Fowler, David Roberts. 

Publication Committee.— John L. Russell, Henry Wheatland, George D. Phippen, Ira J. Patch, 
John H. Stone, George M. Whipple. 

Curators op Natural History.— Botany— John L. Russell. Comparative Anatomy— Henry Wheat- 
land. Mammalogy— F. Winsor. Ornithology— F. W* Putnam. Herpetology and Ichthyology— Richard 

H. Wheatland. Articulata and Radiata— Caleb Cooke. Mollusca and Paleontology— Henry F. King. 

Mineralogy — Benjamin F. Mudge. Geology — Henry F. Shepard. 

Curators of History.— Ethnology— William S. Messervy, M. A. Stickney, Francis H. Lee. Manu- 
scripts— Henry M. Brooks, Ira J. Patch, Lincoln R. Stone, Gilbert L. Streeter, Samuel B. Buttrick.— 
Fine Arts — Francis Peabody, Joseph G. Waters, Alfred Stone. 

Curators of Horticulture.— Fruits and Vegetables— James Upton, John M. Ives, J. Fisk Allen, 
George B. Loring, Richard S. Rogers, Charles F. Putnam. Flowers — JohnC. Lee, Francis Putnam, Win. 
Mack. Gardens— John L. Russell, Benjamin A. West, Joseph S. Cabot, John Bertram.